The article is a partial publication and study of documents from the GARF, combined in the case of rumors that spread among the Tatars of the Crimea in 1832, about the imminent coming of the Egyptian Pasha Muhammad Ali, who will defeat the Russians and take possession of the Crimea. The article briefly describes the political events related to the so-called First Egyptian Crisis, which directly affected the mood of the Crimean Tatars, led to the spread of rumors and seditious literature. It is suggested that anti-Russian propaganda sanctioned by Muhammad Ali was carried out in Egypt, through which lay the way of the Crimean Tatars, as well as the mountain peoples of the Caucasus, going on the Hajj.

Keywords: Crimean Tatars, the first Egyptian crisis of 1832-1833, Muhammad Ali, Hajj.

"ENEMIES' RHYMES": THE FIRST EGYPTIAN CRISIS, HAJJ FROM THE CRIMEA AND EGYPTIAN PROPAGANDA AMONG THE CRIMEAN TATARS IN 1832

Ilya ZAYTSEV, Alexey KROL

The article offers a publication of documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation about the rumors spread among the Crimean Tatars in 1832, related to the imminent coming of the Egyptian ruler Muhammad Ali, who would win Russians and take possession over the Crimea. The article outlines the political developments related to the so-called Egyptian Crisis (1832-1833), which directly affected the spirits of the Crimean Tatars and led to the spread of rumors and predictive literature. The authors assume that in Egypt, through which laid the path of the Crimean Tatars to Mecca, Muhammad Ali conducted anti-Russian propaganda.

Keywords: the Crimean Tatars, the First Egyptian Crisis 1832-1833, Muhammed Ali, hajj.

On September 15, 1832, a denunciation was written to the Tauride governor A. I. Kaznacheyev. The author of it was a certain Ahmet-aga Juroglu, "a lieutenant colonel of the Turkish service, who remained forever in Russia, living in the city of Bakchesaray." A very colorful syllable and at the same time the content of the denunciation deserve to be given in its entirety:

"Bread and salt, which I eat from the bounty of the Russian Sovereign! The duty of honor, loyalty and love and devotion always to the Throne of His Majesty! They oblige me not to keep silent about what I accidentally learned. This news is very important and unfortunate perhaps for everyone and everyone-

ZAITSEV Ilya Vladimirovich-Doctor of Historical Sciences, Director of the Institute of Scientific Information on Social Sciences of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Leading Researcher of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, ilyaaugust@yandex.ru.

Alexey A. KROL-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Researcher, D. N. Anuchin Research Institute and Museum of Anthropology, Moscow State University, alexikrol@mail.ru.

Ilya ZAYTSEV - PhD (History), director, Institute of Scientific Information on Soctae Sciences of the Russian Academy of Scienas; Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Scinces. ilyaaugust@yandcx.ru.

Alexey KROL - PhD (in History), Senior Research Fellow, Anuchin Research Institute and Museum of Anthropology, Lomonosov Moscow State University, alexikrol@mail.ru.

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dogo loyal subject, where, among other things, even up to the high name of the adored Sovereign dared to touch the enemy rhymes.

In the disordered state of my health, I cannot summon the strength to express the extent of my thoughts on this important matter, but I hasten to inform you briefly that something mad, treacherous, and consequently very evil is being stirred up among some of the Tartars here in Bakchesarai.

In the summer, when I was cultivating my vineyard, a neighbor of mine, a Bakchesarai Tartar Mullah Dervish, came to me, who was fond of me and before whom I always showed myself a great competitor of Islamism, imitating the character of his Dervish known to me, in order to attract his confidence more, and finally, when he saw in me an unintelligent Muslim, he became to speak frankly to me about many wars, about coups in Turkey, and finally about the Crimea, saying that this land will soon be taken by the Muslumans, that he knows this from Arabic astrology and Kabbalistics, that the conqueror of the Crimea will be named Megmet-Ali Pasha, and that according to the calculation made by him from the time of the birth of this Pasha, it turns out that he will certainly return to Crimea. Then, to prove his words, he brought a small book of handwritten verses from home and read it to me with delight, repeating repeatedly his calculations, according to which it turns out that in 1246 and 1247 the march of Mehmed Ali will begin from Aegira, and that this man is Sagibul-Huruch 1, vol.e. He has God-given power to conquer the light. I pondered this for a long time, and could not conclude anything directly, without really knowing why it was taken or invented, whether the Dervish alone was so sure, or whether any of the other Tartars knew it, so I decided to think and investigate among other such Tartars, whom I could see more inclined to such events. After that, I managed to extract a lot of verbal conversations everywhere, but I didn't find any documentary or other evidence for a long time. Just the other day I learned that the predictions of the Dervish have a very strong effect on the minds of the Tatars when the formal war of Meghmed-Ali against the Sultan opens, and they also have a song by Meghmed-Ali Pasha, which in strong terms assures them that he will defeat the Russians, take possession of the Crimea, and above all that he is in favor of the Crimean people what he has to do, and that he has one sign for this people. I read the whole song myself, and found it a veritable appeal to the Crimean people from Mehmet Ali Pasha in the strongest possible political terms, where, to my great regret, it is also mentioned that the Tsar of Moscow's loin is bent.

I came to Simferopol on purpose to explain this to Your Excellency, but I did not find you here; you were, as I have heard, in Feodosia. Now that I have learned that you have deigned to come, I consider it my duty, in all my extremity, to leave all my domestic studies and apply to Your Excellency with this information; but that I may not be exposed to the Tartars, for otherwise I may inevitably suffer bad consequences from their malice; and as for discovering the truth of this Your Excellency, entrust the gendarme chief Ozerov and the Bakchesarai private bailiff Spirandi, who knows the Tatar language well, and I will show them where the book of fortune-tellers about Meghmet Ali is. In accordance with every step of the pursuit and search, I can remind them of the next steps to find everything they need, for I have already explored everything; I can even, in the name of justice, take the Dervish to a place where it is very convenient for the seekers themselves to listen to his words about this Megmet Ali. However, Your Excellency is the boss, please know what to do. My business was to pay the debt of loyalty to the Sovereign when I found out! And I think I did it, without hiding anything from you. I've known you for a long time, Alexander Ivanovich! I am sure that you will not miss anything out of sight... "[GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 17-18ob.].

Kaznacheyev didn't lose sight of anything. The former lieutenant colonel of the Turkish service was given "instructions" by the governor on how to find the "predictive book". Mullah Dervish lived in the village of Murzy Memet Krymtayev on Salgir, where he taught children to read and write. On September 17, 1832, Juroglu went there to provoke the Dervish and find out where the prediction was. The next day they both went to Bakhchisarai. "On the way," wrote Juroglu Kaznacheyev, " I talked a lot with the Dervish about Megmet Ali Pasha, asking among other things what he thought of the Crimean Murzas, would they help Megmet Ali? His answers to this were hesitant. Later, when I asked him in particular about Meghmet Murza, he replied that this murza was very good.

1 That is, "Lord of sins" is an Arab.

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a faithful Muslim, devoted to Islamism and always happy to be freed from the rule of Christianity, adding that Adil Bey 2 and many other Murzas are also very happy about the coming of Megmet Ali Pasha. In order not to give myself any more trouble, I stopped talking about it, and told the Dervish that I did not believe the Murzas, they were more loyal to the Russian Government. To this he replied: "How, God forbid! They are very committed to the Muslim State and always want it" " [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 31-31ob.].

On September 20, in Bakhchisaray, Juroglu, after talking with Mullah Dervish about Egyptian affairs in Selatchi Seyidachelebi's coffee shop, invited him to his house, where they had such a conversation:

"I tell you, Ahmet-Agha, go to Meghmet Ali Pasha, you will be happy there. When we go to the South Bank on our way back to Ottol, stop by my place, I'll prepare 3 books of risale, and if you like it, I'll write it down. Ahmet Agha! Learn from the Gyaur what they say among themselves, for you are close to them. Megmet Ali Pasha will soon be in Crimea." When I asked him, "But where is he going to get here?" he said: "Part of the army will be in Kozlov and Tarkanlar 3, and part along the Southern coast and in Alushta." Here, when I reminded him: "And Sevastopol?" The Dervish said: "Why? There are big mountains there." After that, I asked him about the opinion of the local murzas on schet Megmet Ali Pasha, to which the Dervish replied with these words: "Megmet Murza, Adil Bey (and some other murza, I don't remember, Ali or Adil) all agree and are happy about this occasion and the arrival of Megmet Ali Pasha. Megmet Murza says that although it will be difficult with the Tatars, you can do everything with money." Later, when I repeated to him the request for copying a copy of the book, he, a Dervish, replied like this: "I assure you, Ahmet Agha, that I will send you the book on Friday. Whether there is Megmet Ali Pasha will be in the Crimea, we will be proud, he will be quieter. I will write and send you two articles that are the most important and clearly predictive of everything" " [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 33-33ob.].

On September 21, 1832, by order of A. I. Kaznacheyev, in the village of Mehmed-mirza Krymtayev, the papers of Mullah Dervish were seized, and the next day he was arrested in Bakhchisaray.

The informer Juroglu translated two poems from the songbook of Mullah Dervish into Russian in prose. Thanks to translations from "Risale", we can enrich our understanding of the character of the Crimean Tatar folk spiritual poetry, filled with expectations of a quick release from the yoke of "infidels" and therefore responding to political events in the nearby Islamic world. The mention in them of ancient, well-known and revered holy places-Azis, located in the immediate vicinity of Bakhchisarai (Gazi-Mansur and Malik Ashter / Ajder) 4, indicates the Crimean origin of the verses. It is quite possible that the author of them was Mullah Dervish himself. Their content is similar in spirit to the works of Crimean Tatar folk poetry that are also known to us in translations [Kondoraki, 1883, appendix; Sergeev, 2005, p. 429]. However, without the Tatar originals, our judgments about these poems will inevitably be flawed. We publish translations of poems in the app.

On October 10, 1832, A. I. Kaznacheyev sent a statement of the denunciation to the Novorossiysk and Bessarabian Governor-General M. S. Vorontsov. Exactly one week later, M. S. Vorontsov sent the papers to A. H. Benckendorf. In the margins of this document, a note appeared, apparently made in the handwriting of the chief of gendarmes himself: "Brief note

2 Most likely, this refers to the hereditary nobleman, Colonel of the Simferopol horse-Tatar regiment, knight of several Orders of the Russian Empire, Prince Adil Bey Balatukov (b. 1784). In 1802, he was the leader of the nobility of the Yevpatoria uyezd. In 1804-1812. He served on the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus, taking part in the battles of the fortresses of Anakrsi and Poti. Then, as part of the Simferopol Crimean Tatar regiment under the command of his brother, Kai Bey Balatukov, he served on the border with Prussia and took part in the battles of the War of 1812, commanding a Cossack brigade. After his brother's death, from 1827 to 1828, he commanded his Guards squadron in St. Petersburg, guarding the Winter Palace. Expelled due to illness, he returned to the Crimea, where he lived in his ancestral estate Karalez (Biyuk Karalez, present-day. Krasny Mak village, Bakhchisarai district).

3 That is, in Gozlev (modern times). Evpatoria) and Cape Tarkhankut in the extreme west of the Crimean Peninsula (Author).

4 See about them: [Zaitsev. 2007, pp. 157-163; Zaitsev, 2008, pp. 151-157; Zaitsev, 2012, p. 61].

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to the sovereign" [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 2ob.]. Thus, a month later, the history of the Bakhchisarai mullah as presented by Juroglu was known to the Emperor of Russia.

Ahmet-aga Juroglu's personality is remarkable. Its origin is not known for certain. In a letter to A. I. Kaznacheyev, he reported the following about himself:: "I find it necessary to report to Your Excellency that I have always been loyal to the Russian Sovereign and have tried everywhere to promote the benefits of Russia. I dare to testify with my certificates that I did not fail to prove my commitment to the Russians even outside of Russia, even in places where my life was already plunged into the abyss of destruction, as it was in the fortress of Silistria, where at last two three-bunched pashas were convinced to listen to my consent or disagreement. This right was bought not by trickery, but by the life and blood of many of my friends, and I did all this for the benefit of dear Russia, in which I lived for a long time and to which I am indebted for the enlightenment." 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 34ob.]. This is most likely about the capture of the Ottoman fortress of Silistria by Russian troops, which took place on June 18, 1829. From the documents of the case, it becomes clear that Juroglu had "good certificates from Messrs. Generals Roth and Krasovsky" and received 800 rubles of pensions from the Russian government. M. S. Vorontsov directly wrote to A. H. Benekendorff: "The man who reported on the existence of these rumors among the Tatars is of the worst morality. He had occasion to do something useful for himself, of course exaggerating all the absurd stories in order to give more importance to his denunciation. This informer was formerly in the Russian service, was under trial and escaped from arrest abroad to Turkey, changed his faith, and finally changed this last, going over again to our side " [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 2-2ob.]. Nothing more about his life before the events described, as well as about the subsequent fate, we do not know 5. It is also unknown how the life of Mullah Dervish developed later.

These archival documents are interesting material on the foreign policy of the ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali (1805-1849). They are no less important as a source for studying the attitudes that prevailed among some of the Crimean Tatars at the very beginning of the 1830s.

The events described in the documents took place in 1832-1833 and were directly related to the so-called First Egyptian Crisis. Let's briefly outline how this crisis unfolded, involving Egypt, the Ottoman Empire, and the great Powers. The reason for the crisis was the capture by the Egyptian army under the command of Muhammad Ali's son Ibrahim Pasha of the territories that were part of the Ottoman Empire in Palestine and Syria, and then in Anatolia. The pretext for the outbreak of hostilities was the refusal of the ruler of Akka to deport about six thousand Egyptian peasants who had fled to Palestine from tax oppression and conscription [Fahmy, 1997, p. 42]. The real reason for starting the company was the desire of Muhammad Ali to annex Syria, whose economy has long been closely intertwined with that of Egypt [Rustum, 1925, p. 23]. In addition, the Egyptian pasha was in dire need of Syrian wood for the implementation of his numerous construction projects and for the restoration of the military fleet burned in Navarino Bay in November 1827. Egypt also depended on Syrian charcoal [Rustum, 1925, p.15-18]. New recruits were also needed to replenish the active army [The Cambridge History of Egypt, 2008, p. 166]. Finally, mountainous Syria and Palestine were to become a buffer zone protecting Muhammad Ali's African possessions from incursions from Asia (Rustum, 1925, p. 30).

Muhammad Ali first laid claim to Syria in 1813 during an Egyptian expedition to the Hejaz (The Cambridge History of Egypt, 2008, p. 165). The governor of Egypt expected to receive Syria and Crete after the suppression of the Greek uprising as compensation for the expenses of the Egyptian treasury for the maintenance of the army [The Cambridge History of Egypt, 2008, p. 165; Yeremeyeva, 1965, p. 476]. However, after November

5 A certain Juroglu Pasha is mentioned in Russian documents concerning the siege of Khotyn in 1788. However, he may not have a direct relationship to the Bakhchisarai Juroglu.

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In 1827, the Egyptian-Ottoman fleet was destroyed by a combined Anglo-French-Russian squadron in the Battle of Navarino, and Istanbul refused to fulfill its promises [Rogan, 2009, p. 76]. Mahmud II gave only the island of Crete (Candia) to the control of the Viceroy of Egypt (Petrunina, 2008, p. 311). Realizing this, Muhammad Ali set about building a new fleet and preparing his army for the conquest of Syria.

In November 1831, thirty thousand Egyptian troops invaded Palestine. Well-fortified Akka offered the most stubborn resistance. The siege lasted almost six months. However, after the capture of the fortress, the Egyptian troops did not stop, but invaded the territory of Syria and soon occupied Damascus without much resistance.

In April 1832, the Porte, which had previously preferred to regard Egypt's military actions in Palestine as an internal conflict between the Sultan's vassals, accused Muhammad Ali of mutiny. A fatwa was issued in which he was declared a rebel who had abandoned the authority of the Muslim ruler, and his extermination was declared the duty of all the faithful [Muravyov, 1874, pp. 143-145]. In July 1832, the first major battle took place near Homs between the army of Ibrahim Pasha and Turkish troops, which ended in the defeat of the Ottoman forces. Soon Aleppo was captured, which completed the conquest of Syria. However, the army of Ibrahim Pasha continued its movement and soon entered the territory of Anatolia, where it completely defeated the Turkish army in the Battle of Konya on December 21, 1832 [Rogan, 2009, p. 76]. The way to Istanbul was opened. Under these circumstances, Muhammad Ali's geopolitical ambitions have also increased. From now on, he sought to remove Sultan Mahmud II and put a loyal ruler on the throne in Istanbul [Karsh, Karsh, 2001, p. 33].

This point of view, often expressed in the literature, however, is not generally accepted. According to Asad A. Rustum, it is based only on public statements of Turkish ministers and ambassadors, as well as on publications in the Turkish press, and, therefore, should be perceived as an element of anti-Egyptian propaganda [Rustum, 1925, p. 7]. According to Khaled Fahmy, Muhammad Ali, who remained a Turk by mentality, language, and culture, was not ready to abandon Istanbul at the crucial moment of military victories and take the last step towards making Egypt an independent state [The Cambridge History of Egypt. 2008, p. 167].

Documents from the Russian consulate in Egypt seem to refute this latter view. P. J. Lavizon, who served as the Consul General of Russia in Alexandria, 6 who met the ruler of Egypt many times and had good connections at his court, wrote in the midst of the crisis, when it was decided to close the Russian diplomatic mission (September 23, 1832).:

"From what I was told on the eve of my departure from Alexandria by some people who enjoy the confidence of Muhammad Ali, it is clear that it is to be feared that peace with the Porte can only be a respite, since the Egyptian pasha wants to overthrow his sovereign. Everyone knows how ambitious he is in his statements, especially during periods when he receives news of certain successes; not to mention that his determined and purposeful nature does not fit in with the fluctuations...

No doubt, in Constantinople and elsewhere, he has hidden supporters, whom he supports in the belief that he has only a dislike for the Turkish sultan and not in any way for his dynasty; that he is striving for the restoration of the Ottoman Empire, and this is his only goal, which the Ulema's aspirations are pushing him to achieve The Holy Cities held by him by military force, as well as all the Turks in general "[Le Regne de Mohamed Aly, 1931, p. 548].

6 The literature often confuses Prosper Joseph Lavizon, who was originally dragoman of the Russian consulate in Alexandria, and from February 17, 1831 to September 1, 1832 - Consul General of Russia [Le Regne de Mohamed Aly, 1931, p. X, 537], with his son Edouard Lavizon (1827-1889), who was also in Paris positions of the Russian Consul in Alexandria. H. P. Blavatsky mentions the latter's not very diligent performance of his diplomatic duties: http://www.e-reading.club/chapter.php/1013316/28/Senkcvich_-_Blavatskaya.html.

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Given the boundless ambition of Muhammad Ali, who sometimes compared himself to Alexander the Great, Napoleon, or Peter I, it can be assumed that the capture of Syria and the independence of Egypt were only a "minimum program" of the Syrian campaign.

There is reason to believe that Muhammad Ali sought to create his own empire [Karsh, Karsh, 2001, p. 27-41]. As early as 1825, the ruler of Egypt declared: "I am well aware that the [Ottoman] Empire is gradually heading for destruction and it will be difficult for me to save it. Why should I make an effort to prevent the inevitable? On its ruins I will create a huge kingdom... my victorious son will be able to complete this mission within a year, reaching the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, the strong borders of the state that I have assigned him and that he will conquer with his bravery " (Letter of General P. Boyer to General D. O. Belliard, July 18, 1825, Quoted in [Rustum, 1925, p. 11]).

By the end of 1832, the current situation could have ended in disaster for the Ottoman Empire. Within a day's march of the capital was the Egyptian army, which had nothing to oppose. Britain and France, while expressing their diplomatic support for Turkey, did not actually take any concrete steps. France needed the neutrality of Egypt in connection with the occupation of Algeria that began in 1830; England was preoccupied with European "affairs" and the upcoming parliamentary elections and did not want to interfere in a major conflict in the Middle East [Karsh, Karsh, 2001, p. 33; Yeremeyeva, 1965, p.500].

Under these circumstances, Mahmud II turned to Turkey's eternal enemy, the Russian Empire, for help. In St. Petersburg, it was considered that a weakened Turkey, relations with which were built on the terms of the Adrianople Peace Treaty of 1829 that were favorable for Russia, was preferable to a strong, ambitious state that Muhammad Ali could have created on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire [Yeremeyeva, 1965, p.487; Petrunina, 2008, p. 335]. Therefore, in February 1833, the Russian navy entered the Bosporus. Nicholas I declared that the ships would not leave the Straits before Ibrahim Pasha's army returned to the Taurus Mountains. In April of the same year, a five-thousandth Russian expeditionary force landed near Istanbul. At the same time, another Russian corps was moving towards Istanbul from the Danube [Zelenev, 1999, p. 241]. Fearing Russia's growing influence on the Bosphorus, Britain and France also began to put pressure on Muhammad Ali, forcing him to withdraw his troops.

The crisis ended on May 4, 1833 with the signing of a peace treaty between the Ottoman Empire and Egypt in Kutahya, according to which Muhammad Ali's rights to Egypt, the Adana district, the Sudan and Crete were confirmed, and the pasha himself was appointed ruler of Palestine, Syria, and Cilicia. Egypt remained part of the defeated Porte, and Muhammad Ali himself remained a vassal of Mahmud II [Fahmy, 1997, p. 43-44, 68]. Muhammad Ali had to withdraw troops from Anatolia, thus eliminating the need for the Russian army to stay in Turkey [Petrunina, 2008, p. 342]. This was the political and military situation in the Middle East in 1832-1833.

There is reason to believe that the news of rumors in the Crimea and the alleged relations of the Crimean Tatars with Muhammad Ali could further influence the decision of Nicholas I to intervene in the conflict between the Turkish sultan and the Egyptian pasha. As we already know, in mid-October 1832 A. H. Benckendorff prepared a brief note to the Emperor about rumors among the Tatars. However, Nicholas 1 did not want to send troops to the Bosporus, believing that this would lead to an aggravation of relations with other great powers. Therefore, in October 1832, Lieutenant-General N. N. Muravyov, who was well versed in Eastern affairs, was sent to Constantinople and then to Alexandria at the head of a diplomatic mission. The purpose of his mission was to assure Mahmud II that Russia was ready to provide assistance to Turkey and try to persuade Muhammad Ali to completely stop military operations on land and at sea [Muravyov, 1869, p.5].

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As already mentioned, Russian diplomacy sought to preserve the status quo in the Middle East. According to Chancellor K. V. Nesselrode,"...the invasion of the Pasha of Egypt threatened the downfall of the Turkish Empire, whose weak and disordered condition was the best guarantee of the tranquillity of our southern frontiers. The conquest of Turkey by Mehmed-A-li-Pasha could, with the elevation of a new person to the Turkish throne, revive new forces in this declining kingdom and divert our attention and strength from the affairs of Europe, and therefore the Sovereign was particularly interested in keeping the sultan on his wavering throne " [Muravyov, 1869, p. 2].

The capture of Istanbul and the change of power in the Ottoman Empire could lead to riots in Turkey itself, on the borders of the Russian Empire. Therefore, simultaneously with the assignment of N. N. Muravyov, the Foreign Ministry ordered "to inform the neighboring Turkish pashas of Russia's intentions, to assure them of the stability of the Ports and to make an appropriate impression on them so that they would not go out of obedience to the Sultan's government" (Nesselrode's emergency dispatch to A. P. Butenev 6. XII / 24. XI 1832 [AVPR, d. N 50, l. 378-379]; cit. by: [Eremeyeva, 1965, p. 494]).

These concerns were based on the information available to the Russian Foreign Ministry about the readiness of the Turks to raise a pro-Egyptian rebellion in the European possessions of the Ottoman Empire, primarily Bulgaria and Greece (Yeremeyeva, 1965, p.496). Ibrahim Pasha sent out letters calling on him to renounce the Sultan's authority. In a letter to the Pasha of Latakia, he urged him to " join the devout Muslims who seek to liberate Islam from the Christian practices imposed by Sultan Mahmud "(Rustum, 1936, p. 33). Agents of Ibrahim Pasha incited a rebellion against Sultan Mahmud II not only in all the provinces of Asia Minor, but also in Southern Arabia and the Persian Gulf regions (Yeremeyeva, 1965, p.497).

The offensive of the Egyptian troops worried the Russian emperor also because it could lead to indignation among the Muslim subjects of his empire. In a conversation with N. N. Muravyov before his departure for Egypt, Nicholas I said: "... the impressions made by the disclosures of the Egyptian pasha are becoming very strong, so that my Crimean Tatars, hitherto always calm, are now uneasy; songs are being sung among them with prophecies about the imminent arrival of Mehmed Ali Pasha as a protector orthodox Muslims. I used to make do with six battalions in the Crimea, but now this is not enough; it will be necessary to strengthen the number of troops there" [Muravyov, 1869, p. 11]. This conversation took place on November 3, 1832 [Muravyov, 1869, p. 9], just on the same day as the date of our published "Most comprehensive report on the conversations of the Tatars in the Crimea about the Pasha of Egypt".

Interestingly, the Russian autocrat perceived the expansion of Muhammad Ali as a consequence of the July revolution of 1830 in France, which was a strong shock to the monarchical regimes of Europe. In the same conversation with N. N. Muravyov, Nicholas I spoke about the Egyptian crisis as a new germ of evil and disorder, which arose as a result of "the outrageous spirit that has now taken hold of Europe and especially France" as a result of the conscious activity of certain "restless heads", " people homeless, without a fatherland, expelled by all well-established societieswhich " surround Mehmed Ali Pasha and fill his fleet and army."

In other words, Nicholas I seems to have perceived the threat posed to the Russian state by the possible fall of Constantinople in the spirit of his protective policy in Europe. In a conversation with N. N. Muravyov, the emperor describes Muhammad Ali as a bearer of European liberal ideas, not perceiving fundamentally new threats that the conflict with the Muslim state brought to the Russian Empire.

N. N. Muravyov's mission did not lead to the expected results. Muhammad Ali assured the envoy of the Russian emperor that he had stopped the advance of Egyptian troops to the Turkish capital, but, as N. N. Muravyov became aware even before his departure from Alexandria, all orders of Muhammad Ali were given only for the purpose of stopping the advance of Egyptian troops to the Turkish capital.

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N. N. Muravyov, however, did not allow himself to be misled about the real plans of Muhammad Ali, considering that "his submission, of course, was feigned, and his humility was temporary" (Muravyov, 1869, p.127).

Regardless of what Muhammad Ali's geopolitical plans were, whether they were limited to the annexation of Syria and the independence of the subject territories, or whether they involved a change of power in Istanbul followed by the creation of a new empire centered in Cairo, he certainly assumed that Russia could side with the Turkish sultan and prevent the implementation of his ambitious plans. Therefore, it seems reasonable to suggest that from a certain point on, Muhammad Ali's plans for expansion in the Middle East may have included organizing disturbances in the Muslim territories of Russia, in particular in the Crimea, in order to divert Russia's attention from active participation in resolving the crisis.

It can be assumed that if Muhammad Ali planned to destabilize the situation on the outskirts of Russia, then he most likely began active actions in this direction no earlier than August 1832. It was at this time that Chancellor K. V. Nesselrode instructed the Russian consul in Constantinople to convince Sultan Mahmud II of Russia's firm intention to assist Turkey in the conflict with Egypt Butenev should inform the Sultan of the decision to immediately recall the Consul General from Egypt [Yeremeyeva, 1965, p. 491]. Such an order was sent to the Russian Consul Lavizon in Alexandria on July 30 [Le regne de Mohamed Aly, 1931, p. 525] and executed on August 19 [Ibid., 1931, p. 537].

However, according to the diplomatic correspondence of Lavizon and Butenev, Muhammad Ali already in early June, using the information of his informants in Constantinople, knew about the concentration of Russian troops in Odessa and the combat readiness of the Black Sea fleet [Le regne de Mohamed Aly, 1931, p. 509].

The published documents say that compositions about Muhammad Ali of Egypt and songs were brought to the Crimea together with pilgrims from Mecca. They also contain information that up to 200 well-to-do Tatars were sent from Crimea for hajj every year7. Hajj from Crimea has been performed for a long time: there is quite a lot of information about representatives of the Crimean tribal nobility and the ruling Girei dynasty, who made the pilgrimage at the end of the XV-XVI centuries. Usually, for free travel, the future pilgrim was provided with a special khan's certificate - a travel label [Zaitsev, 2015, pp. 115-118]. In the Turkish-Crimean Tatar dictionary of N. Witsen (late 17th century), where religious terminology is almost completely absent, the name of the sacred well in Mecca Zemzem is recorded (Baski, 1986, p. 166).

After the annexation of Crimea to the Russian Empire, the administration immediately faced the need to issue passports for the departure of Tatars-Russian subjects. One of the first documents about the hajj from the already Russian Crimea is dated October 11, 1783. This is the report of O. Igelstrom from Karasubazar to G. A. Potemkin:

"Monsieur General-lieutenant and Cavalier Count Debalman reports to me that Effendi Zekir, who has remained here in the eternal citizenship of Her Imperial Majesty, has appeared at his house, Monsieur General-lieutenant and Cavalier Count Debalman, and announced that he intends to send him to worship the tomb of Magamstov, where he asks for a passport for free passage. Having informed Your Lordship of this, I humbly ask for a resolution, whether you will order both this Zekir, and if there are any petitioners like him in the future, to let them go to Mecca " [RGVIA, f. 52, op. 1, d. 296, l. 153].

7 In relation to the 1830s, it is difficult to estimate even approximately the number of pilgrims-subjects of the Russian Empire, who annually went to the holy places of Islam. The first approximate data relate to the second half of the XIX century, when regular steamship service was established on the Black and Mediterranean Seas. Since that time, it is known that 9-10 thousand Russian Muslims took part in the Hajj [Arapov, 1999, p. 300].

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The Englishman Robert Lyell, who made a trip to the Crimea in 1822, remarked: "... the Crimean Tatars are in the habit of going to Mecca. We saw one of the pilgrims crossing Salgir on horseback. After questioning him, we learned that he was going to sell his horse eventually, hoping to support himself on the road. At that time he had only a few rubles with him, and he was very happy with our alms, as well as with the alms of others, donated to the realization of his pious intention." In Tatar coffee shops, "white turbans were worn on the heads of Khajiis, or those who made a pilgrimage to Mecca or Medina, as a sign of honor" (Lyell, 2003, p.23). Another Englishman, James Webster, in 1827 in Alushta noticed Tatars who were digging holes behind the cemetery fence. "Eight or ten people were involved in this case. Two of the oldest of them, those for whom this ceremony was performed, were to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca in two days, and if they could not return, their monuments - these vertical stones crowned with turbans-would be placed on the site of the dug holes. There were also ten or twelve large pots prepared for soups and other treats, which were to be prepared on the eve of their departure, so that residents from their small towns could take part in a feast organized at the expense of voluntary investments" [Krymskiye travelstviya, 2016, pp. 117-118].

We are not aware of any documents that would describe the route of pilgrims traveling from Crimea to Mecca and Medina and the time that the hajj took in relation to the period we are interested in. The first mention of routes used by Muslims to get to the Hijaz dates back to the end of the XIX century. In 1899, the "Report of Staff Captain Davletshin on a business trip to the Hijaz" was published [Hajj of Russian Muslims, 2009]. In the same year, Lieutenant Yarovoy-Ravsky, on behalf of the Governor-General of Turkestan, S. M. Dukhovsky, compiled a brief report on the Hajj. In it, he wrote that the pilgrimage of Russian Muslims was made along three routes: through Transcaucasia and northern Iran through Kermanshah and Khanekin to Baghdad to visit Kazmain, Karbala and Nejef, and then, further to Arabia-Mecca and Medina. According to Yarovoi-Ravsky, this path was chosen primarily by Shiites of the Russian Empire (Yarovoi-Ravsky, 1899, p. 143).

The other route was via Samarkand and Bukhara to Afghanistan on Mazar-e-Sharif, Kabul and Peshawar, and from there to Bombay and then by sea to Jeddah, which served as the main harbor of Mecca and Medina. This route was used by pilgrims from the Central Asian regions of Russia (Yarovoy-Ravsky, 1899, p. 145).

Finally, it was possible to get to Arabia through the ports of the Black Sea (Odessa, Sevastopol or Batumi). In this case, the route lay to Constantinople, and from there to Suez and then to Yambo (modern Yanbu) or Jeddah. Russian Tatars and Muslims of the Caucasus came to Mecca and Medina via this route (Yarovoy-Ravsky, 1899, p. 146; Rezvan, 1998, p.97). The main route of both Christian and Muslim pilgrims passed through the Black Sea ports and Constantinople, starting from the early Middle Ages [Arapov, 1999, p. 295].

Thus, pilgrims from the Crimea sailed to Constantinople, and from there to Alexandria, the main Mediterranean port of Egypt.8 The English orientalist Richard Burton, who made a trip to Mecca and Medina in 1853, posing as haji, wrote that in Alexandria, pilgrims were divided into three streams: those who followed the Red Sea port of Suez, the port of Qusayr, or went by land through Sinai to Aqaba and then to the Hejaz [Burton, 1892, p. 168]. The return of such a caravan of pilgrims from Mecca, which went along the Red Sea to Suez, is described in the diplomatic correspondence of Lavizon and Butenev, dated July 1832 [Le regne de Mohamed Aly, 1931, p. 525]. However, all pilgrims, regardless of the chosen path, gathered first

8 In a letter from E. Lavizon (First translator of the Russian Consulate General in Alexandria) to A. P. Butenev (the Russian ambassador in Istanbul) dated February 1, 1837, it is said, in particular, about the money left over from Russian pilgrims from Petit Kubanda and the Crimea, who died of the plague in the Alexandria infirmary [Le regne de Mohamed Aly, 1934, p. 255].

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in Cairo, where the caravan was formed. Burton wrote that crowds of pilgrims flocked to Suez not only from neighboring countries with Egypt, but also from Central Asia: Bukhara, Persia, Circassia, Turkey and the Crimea [Burton, 1893, p. 177], Then the pilgrims were loaded on sambukas-ships with a displacement of about 50 tons [Burton, 1893, p 186], - and with a stop on the way in the port of Tura on the southwestern tip of the Sinai Peninsula [Burton, 1892, p. 201-202] sailed to Yanbo-the sea harbor of Medina [Burton, 1893, p.225].

It seems to us that the pilgrims from Crimea may have returned to the peninsula after the Hajj was completed in late summer and early autumn of 1832.This assumption is based on the following data. The five days of Hajj in 1247 AH, i.e. the 8th-12th of Dhu'l-Hijjah, corresponded to May 8-12, 1832. Lavizon's letter to Butenev, dated July 24, 1832, mentions the arrival of a caravan of pilgrims from Mecca in Cairo. It took 30 hours to travel from Cairo to Alexandria via the Mahmoudiya Canal (Burton, 1892, p. 29). A waterway from Alexandria to the Crimea via Constantinople was still required for about a month.

It is unlikely that the pilgrims who came from Mecca actually brought "Rizal" and songs with them. Rather, as we have said above, these works were composed in the Crimea. However, it can be assumed that anti-Russian propaganda was conducted among the Crimean Tatars during their stay in Egypt and in the Hejaz, which was also under the influence of Egypt. This is reported in the report of Lieutenant Colonel Kavalsky addressed to Benkendorf: "... Crimean Tatars who go to Mecca to worship the Tomb of the Prophet, passing through Egypt, are often invited to the Egyptian Mehmed Ali Pasha, who caressed them and provides some with money and, imbued with the spirit of the pasha, upon their return to the Crimea, become his agents, distribute and they inspire hatred among the Tatars for the Russian government, glorify Ali Pasha as the future deliverer of the Mohammedans, and that he will soon liberate the Crimean Tatars from the yoke of Russia " [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 7-7ob.].

It is known from later documents that, for example, Turkey actively used the period of Hajj and the stay of pilgrims in holy cities for active propaganda among Muslims: "The Kaaba, therefore, during the Hajj serves as a center of religious propaganda, political upheavals and unrest in the Muhammadan world" [Yarovoy-Ravsky, 1899, p.150].

However, Crimea, most likely, was not intended as a center of anti-Russian outrage. Rather, it was the Caucasus, those lands that by the early 1830s had become part of Russia or were in the zone of its territorial claims, primarily Dagestan, Circassia, and Chechnya. These lands directly bordered the possessions of the Ottoman Empire, and it was easier to establish communication with them. In addition, in some areas of the Caucasus, for example in Dagestan and Circassia, a war was waged with Russia, which, of course, facilitated propaganda among the local population.

One of the reports stored in the GARF indirectly confirms this assumption: "The military success of Ibrahim Pasha in Anatolia is most to be attributed to the skill with which this crafty leader is able to inflame the minds of the Moslems, strengthening their faith with all the means of fanaticism and all the quackeries of superstition produced by the crowds of dervishes, fakirs, and various Mohammedan saints who march behind his main headquarters and are sent everywhere by him to stir up a unanimous insurrection not only nations, but even all adherents of Islamism. Their influence has spread from Arabia to Bukharin and extends to various tribes of nomadic peoples: Kurtintsy, mountaineers, Ajars, Abaza and generally all the tribes of the Omar sect, the so-called Sunnis, from Bukharin passes to Orenburg and confuses the weak minds of the Kazan Tatars, Kachu Kalmyks, Nagais and runs through the Saratov and Astrakhan steppes to the Trans-Kuban peoples, and from them along the shores of the Black Sea to Anapa itself, where this fanaticism, on the other hand, is reinforced by khadzhi or Mek fans who come directly from Anatolia to Kerch, to Kafa, to Yevpatoria. In addition to foreign Turkish subjects, up to two hundred people from the wealthiest Tatars, mullahs who have the greatest influence on the Tatars, are sent to Crimea annually. In the month of November they were taken by our kressirs

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two ships sent from the agent of the Pasha of Egypt. On one of these ships was a very important personage, a Circassian prince who had been serving for twelve years in the army of the Egyptian pasha with the rank of colonel, and also clerics from Circassia. They were released to the Crimea without the slightest interrogation after being quarantined, and soon found themselves near Kerch-Yenik, when the Bosphorus was covered with ice and the crossing to the Circassian side was free for everyone; other agents from the highlanders were captured in Feodosia in the month of Genvar and, finally, in Nogaisk, taken from Kara-murza as early as February by the governor himself correspondence with the mountaineers, the proclamation of Ibrahim Pasha and his proclamation are distributed everywhere in the Crimean Peninsula through the Muslim clergy, of whom there are about 3,000 souls in the Crimea; in every village there are mosques in which the Tatars gather for a conference " [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 29].

We have indirect data on the anti-Russian propaganda of Muhammad Ali's agents during the Second Egyptian Crisis of 1839-1840. On August 17, 1840, when the participants of the London Conference agreed among themselves on the conditions for resolving the Egyptian conflict and measures of military assistance to the Sultan in case Muhammad Ali refused to accept these conditions, in a conversation with Rifat Bey, Muhammad Ali said: "Good luck You have always favored me, my son. My star is still shining brightly, and I can't let it fade. And if ever the great powers decide to block the port of Alexandria, I will immediately order Ibrahim Pasha to move forward, and you will see him at the head of the army. It will not be difficult for him to raise Arabia, Persia and the inhabitants of Dagestan, not to mention Circassia, which is ready to unite with me at any moment "[Le Regne de Mohamed Aly, 1936, p. 447-449].

Muhammad Ali's speech, in our opinion, should not be perceived only as bragging designed for external effect. It was thought out and intended to be handed over to representatives of the diplomatic missions of the great Powers, and above all to Russia. The 1840s fall at the height of the Caucasian War, which opened up great opportunities for Muhammad Ali if he wanted to take advantage of the situation to escalate the conflict on the southern outskirts of the Russian Empire.

It is not by chance that the above speech of the Egyptian pasha of Circassia is particularly noted. The officer corps of the Egyptian army was staffed by Circassians. "The highest positions, such as mir-alai (regimental commander), mir-liv (brigade commander), etc., are mostly replaced by Circassians, Abazins, and other Caucasian mountaineers captured in their infancy, whom Mehmed-Ali brought up at his own expense and then releases along with their assignment to serve in the regular troops"[Murav'ev, 1869, p. 147].

There is indirect evidence that during the Second Egyptian Crisis, there were contacts between Muhammad Ali's agents and Shamil. Although no authentic letters have been found to the leader of the Caucasus highlanders from an Egyptian pasha or his son, who was at the head of the Egyptian army, they are often mentioned in the reports of Russian officers: "This man (Aji Magomat Efendi. - Auth.)... appears with the guise of delight among the Chechen people, as a messenger from the Egyptian pasha. He brought with him several copies of forged letters with the false seal of Ibrahim, and in the villages of Little Chechnya, gathering the people, he reads these outrageous appeals, in which the Egyptian pasha allegedly announces to the Chechen people and Muslims in general that he is marching with innumerable forces to the Caucasus to free his co-religionists from the yoke of Christians" (Report Major-General A. P. Pullo to Adjutant-General P. H. Grabbe on the need to increase the number of military units in connection with the general Chechen uprising of March 13, 1840; cit. by: (Movement of mountaineers of the North-Eastern Caucasus, 1959, p. 243-244]). The letter of Muhammad Ali to the Dagestani peoples, sealed with his seal and the seal of Ibrahim Pasha, is mentioned in the report of Adjutant General A. I. Neidgardt to Adjutant General A. I. Chernyshev dated January 7, 1844 [Movement of Mountaineers of the North-Eastern Caucasus, 1959, pp. 428-429].

We do not know to what extent the rumors and poems that spread among the Crimean Tatars in the summer of 1832 about the imminent arrival of the Egyptian Pasha on the peninsula influenced

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on the decision of Nicholas I to intervene in the struggle of Muhammad Ali with Mahmud II. It is unlikely that the denunciation of Juroglu played a decisive role in this case, but it could have a certain impact on the development of foreign policy decisions (N. N. Muravyov's mission). There is no doubt, however,that the Russian authorities, always wary of their own Muslims, were seriously concerned about the Egyptian agitation among them, which apparently took place primarily during the Hajj. Another, no less important consequence of the zeal of the loyal Turk was the Russian translations of those very "enemy rhymes" - poems from the collection of Mullah Dervish-original and interesting monuments of Crimean Tatar poetry.

application

Texts of spiritual songs [GARF, f. 109, op. 1832, d. 409, l. 36-38]

Translated from Tatar

Song of Mehmed-Ali Pasha

By the help of God, the age of infidels has passed,
The victorious Mehmed-Ali Pasha opened his banner,
With his army the Morean fortress of pereshol;
Thank the Lord! The case was given by the Sultan to Magmut.

Now the infidel army is broken through,
How many hundreds of thousands of infidels blood was spilled,
The Moscow Sovereign's loin is bent;
Thank the Lord! The case was given by the Sultan to Magmut.

The victorious Mehmed Ali Pasha Ferman received,
I've already laid siege to the Morean Fortress,
Colikia hundreds of thousands of infidels died without water;
Thank the Lord! The case was given by the Sultan to Magmut.

Mehmed Ali Pasha said: Well! You won't find any other ways.
My Lord! Vouchsafe me the command;
I will take possession of this Moscow by the Lord's help -
Deities by the fate of Ajder-melek Sultan.
I have to make a visit.

Note:
__________
Melek Sultan's coffin
is located in the Crimea in
suburbs of Aziz pri
in the city of Bakhchesaray

That is: I believe this Crimea is an empty island,
All the people's hearts were burned in the fire;
Night and day do not leave my mind their holy places;
Brave Sultan Ahmet personal visit
make a request.

Note
__________
the coffin of the brave
Sultan Ahmet
located in the rock
Salajik
at the city of Bakhchesarai

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Megmet Ali Pasha said: may I be ready,
I received an order from the Sultan of Magmut,
Night and day in the righteous path of military exploits to create;
I am well pleased to do this for the Crimean people.

Summer and winter, do not go out of the mind of my holy,
I will take possession of this Crimea with God's help,
They'll see the survivors;
I ask from the divine Destiny! May the saints help;
Gazi Mansur Sultanu personal visitdel
have.

Note:
: __________
the coffin of Gazi Mansur sultan
located
in the Jewish town of Bakhchesarai

Meghmet Ali Pasha said: I have already performed a military feat,
Where I passed, those places became ashes and a desert,
Tolikim infidels paid their revenge;
I have one sign for this Crimean people.

The end
Translated from a Turkish-Tatar songbook in Bakhchesarai
Turkish Service Lieutenant Colonel Ahmet Juroglu.
1832
Translated from Tatar

Spiritual Song

Help from you of the purest purity,
Keep up with us, we are left without ways;
We have been made prisoners of the infidels.
The language of the faithful will be cut off,
What will be the position of the faithful?
Help from you, Saint Aliyos!
The whole circumlocution is hostile to us,
Troublemakers are also evil,
We are left without ways
Help from you, Saint Osman!
The infidels have a log burning,
And for the faithful, the candle goes out (sic!);
Help from you, Saint Iomer!
What do we say in our own language,
Then in our thoughts we have;
Help from you, Abu Bekir!
All minors and children became prisoners.
Cry oh! Holy son!
Help from you, oh! Muhammad!

The end
Lieutenant Colonel Ahmet Juroglu translated from the Tatar-Turkish songbook in Bakchesaray of the Turkish
service.
1832

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ARCHIVES

AVPRI-Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire.

GARF - State Archive of the Russian Federation.

RGVIA - Russian State Military Historical Archive.

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