The article is devoted to the semantics of wands with a sculptural image of a horse's head. They are found in the steppe and forest-steppe Ob-Irtysh region and date from the beginning - the first half of the II millennium BC. e. Stylistically, early and late products are distinguished. Parallels are drawn with Siberian ethnographic materials and mythological plots of Indo-European peoples. For the interpretation of the wands, Indo-Aryan semantic plans of the Vedic mythological tradition are used. It is assumed that the semantic series of "horse-headed" stone wands and the bronze Sejminsko-Turbinsky pommel is involved in the ideological doctrine of Indo-Aryan dialect speakers.

Key words: rod, Ob-Irtysh region, Indo-Aryans, Rig Veda, horse-headed man, mythology.

Wands and pommels

Stone wands with a sculptural image of a horse's head were found in the Altai, Eastern Kazakhstan, and the Omsk Region (Figs. 1, 1-4). Another unique specimen was found in the Chelyabinsk region (Figs. 1, 5). With the exception of the Shipunovsky complex, the localities of such items do not overlap with the area of rods with the image of the head of an argali ram, as well as in the form of a snake or fish (Kovtun, 2009, pp. 401-403, 407 - 408).

The wands under consideration are associated with the pictorial traditions of the steppe cultures of Northwest Asia in the transition period from early to advanced bronze. When arguing that some of them belong to the Seimas and Turbins, the similarity of the exterior of the horse depicted on these products and on knives from the Seimas, Rostovka, Elunin I and Ust-Muta was noted. Then the list of parallels was supplemented by North and Central Asian petroglyphs (Figs. 2, 6-13), a sculpture on a pin from the Zardcha Khalifa, and an image on a Bactrian "ceremonial axe" (Kuzmina, 1994, p.264) or "axe" (Savinov, 2000, p. 180-181). 3, 6, 9, 11, 12] (2, 2). But in terms of visual parameters and exterior, the latter is comparable only to the images on wands from the Omsk region. and from the Bukhtarma River near Ust-Kamenogorsk (see Figures 1, 3, 4). They are united by the "bangs" hanging over the forehead, which are absent on the wands from Shipunov V and the Semipalatinsk region (see Figs. 1, 1, 2). A stylistically close image of a horse with "bangs" is found on the Margian cylindrical seal, which is decorated with a vessel from Taip-depe-1 [Masimov, 1981, pp. 143-147, Fig. 12; Sarianidi, 1986, pp. 41, 43, fig. 8, 14] (see Fig. 2, 1). I. S. Masimov believes that a lion is depicted here. But on this vessel there is an image of a lion from another cylindrical seal, which is significantly different from the one under consideration (Masimov, 1981, pp. 144-147, Fig. 10-12; Sarianidi, 1986, p. 43, fig. 8, 13, 14]. Therefore, there is no reason to consider the latter as an image of a lion. Analogs to the impressions on the vessel from Taip-depe-1 are known in the materials of the settlement of Tell Rimaka (Mesopotamia), they are dated to the Middle Assyrian period - 1 300 - 1 000 years BC [Masimov, 1981, p. 149]. The image of a horse with an overhanging "bang" on this vessel should also be attributed to a close time.

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Figure 1. Stone wands with the image of a horse's head. 1-Shipunovo V; 2-Semipalatinsk region. [Samashev, Ermolaeva, Kushch, 2008, p. 53]; 3 - Bukhtarma River (near Ust-Kamenogorsk); 4 - Omsk region; 5 - Kizilsky district of the Chelyabinsk region [Chenchenkova, 2004, p.283] (1, 3, 4-author's photo).

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2. Images of a horse on products and petroglyphs of the Bronze Age. 1-Margiana (Sarianidi, 1986, p. 43, fig. 14); 2-Bactria (Kuzmina, 1994, p. 264); 3-Mynshunkur (Kovtun, 2008, p. 96, fig. 1, 1); 4 - Charyshskoye village (Kiryushin, Shulga, Grushin, 2006, p. 4). 51, Fig. 1, 2]; 5-Shemonaikha town (photo by S. P. Grushin); 6-B. Baikonur [Novozhenov, 2002, p. 69, Table 2, 5.1]; 7-Sagyr I [Samashev, 1992, p. 21, Fig. 11]; 8, 10- Moynak [Ibid., p. 40, fig. 46; p. 44, 45, fig. 51, 52]; 9-Chitykhyssky chaatas [Miklashevich, 2007, p. 54, fig. 2, 6]; 11-Saimaly-Tash [Miklashevich, 2010, p. 137, Table I, 7]; 12-Tsagaan-Salaa I [Kubarev, Tseveendorzh, Yakobson, 2005, p. 169, Fig. 89]; 13 - Tsagaan-Gol [Jacobson-Tepfer, Kubarev, Tseveendorj, 2007, p. 103, fig. 1]; 14 - south-west of Tuva (Chugunov, 1997, Fig.

Comparison of images of a horse with pronounced "bangs" on wands with petroglyphs and metalplastics of the Late Bronze Age (see Fig. 2, 3-13) indicates a chronological trend in the stylization of the image. The longer, more voluminous, and more fanciful the "bangs", the more likely the later image creation time is. This is confirmed by chronologically significant post-Seimian daggers from the town of Shemonaikhi and the village of Charyshsky with sculptures of horses with "bangs" hanging over their muzzles (see Figures 2, 4, 5). The final stylization is represented by a sculptural group on the handle of an Early Scythian dagger from Southwestern Tuva (see Fig. 2, 14). "Merged" with the ear elongated "bangs" of both horses are decorative hypertrophied. They demonstrate the degeneration of such a manner of depicting the elongated overhanging "bangs" of a horse. Therefore, the wands from the Omsk region and from the Bukhtarma River, which show an overhanging "bang", are stylistically later than those from Shipunov V and Semipalatinsk region without this detail. Noting the peculiarities of the Shipunov baton, Yu. F. Kiryushin also states that it "looks clearly older than all the others" [2002, p. 56, 89].

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There are undeniable iconographic differences between the Seimin-Turbinsky metal-plastic and the wands with the image of a horse's head. On the Seiminsky and Rostovkinsky pommels, the ears either protrude above the mane, or are pressed to the head and turned back. On stone wands, they do not protrude above the mane and are either perpendicular to the muzzle (see Figures 1, 1, 2) or facing forward (see Figures 1,3, 4). The latter technique is combined with an overhanging" bang " and is probably also an indicator of a chronologically late iconographic manner. In addition, the manes of horses in sculptures from Seymy and Rostovka, as well as from Elunin I and Ust-Muta are decorated with transverse relief. There is nothing like this on the wands, although the technique of making them made it possible to do this. Obviously, the reason for the existing iconographic differences is the disparity in the content of images.

The bronze pommel in the form of a horse's head, originating from the destroyed Seimin-Turbinsky complex in the vicinity of Omsk, is comparable to the stone rods under consideration (Molodin and Neskorov, 2010, pp. 68-69, Fig. 18, 19) (Fig. 3, 1). But conceptually and structurally, these products are far from the same thing. Their key difference is not in the shape and not in the material, but in the presence of a sleeve in the Omsk copy. In this respect, it is comparable to the functionally and chronologically similar "horse-headed" pommel from Gonur-Depe (Figs. 3, 2). Probably, the v-shaped pommels in the form of a horse's head have their own "genealogical" line, regardless of the stone "horse-headed" wands and the style of the bronze products themselves. Much later, its manifestations were recorded in the Tatar antiquities (Fig. 3, 3).

Comparative studies and mythology

In the Bronze Age, horse imagery in Northwest Asia had exclusively Indo-European origins. The version of the Tocharian (or proto-Tocharian) migration associated with the appearance of the Afanasiev culture can probably claim to be one of the possible explanations for the early formation of such representations. But the "horse-headed" wands of Northwest Asia are difficult to correlate with both Afanasiev antiquities and the movements of Tochars (proto-tochars) to the east. This is also hindered by the absence of Afanasiev images of the horse, whose draft and transport function among the Afanasyevites was probably performed by bulls. It is impossible to connect the "horse-headed" rods from the steppe and forest-steppe Ob-Irtysh region with the extended Tocharian migration due to the comparative compactness of their range.

According to T. V. Gamkrelidze and V. V. Ivanov, simultaneously with the Tochars, but already to the west along the eastern route (through Central Asia and the Volga region in Europe).-

3. Vtubchatye finials in the form of a horse's head.

1-the vicinity of Omsk (Molodin and Neskorov, 2010, p. 69, fig. 19); 2-Gonur-Depe (Avanesova, 2011, p. 113, Fig. I, 8]; 3-Kyzyl-kul, mound 1, excavations of A.V. Adrianov (Chlenova, 1967, Tables 25, 5, 5a).

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Speakers of "Ancient European" (Celto-Italian, Illyrian, Germanic, Baltic, Slavic) dialects were promoted (1984, pp. 938-939). From these dialects, the Yenisei languages borrowed the general Yenisei name of the mare, gelding, and "under the influence of Indo-European cultural traditions, the Altaic peoples in ancient times had a horse sacrifice associated with the cult of the Sky god" [Ibid., p. 939]. E. E. Kuzmina and Ya. A. Sher also point out that the image of the horse and the associated Stories in Northwest Asia have exclusively Indo-European origins [Kuzmina, 1977, p. 36-37; Sher, 1993, p.17]. But the source of these borrowings, according to the hypothesis of T. V. Gamkrelidze and V. V. Ivanov, could only be "Ancient European" dialects. The name of the horse in the Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu languages, according to E. E. Kuzmina, goes back to the same Indo-European (Kuzmina, 1977, p.37), or rather, "ancient European" basis. At the same time, researchers substantiate the lexical connections of the western group of Indo-European languages with the Altaic ones, from which the first borrowed terms such as * mork[h]- "horse" [Gamkrelidze and Ivanov, 1984, p. 939]. O. N. Trubachev proposed a different etymology: "The Celto-Germanic isogloss of one of the horse names - * markos, * marka - is also devoid of non-Indo-European associations attributed to it (with Mongolian, localized in ancient times in Transbaikalia, i.e., in an unthinkable distance from Indo-European, in any case-from the Indo-European languages of Europe). It is more reasonable to see here an ancient innovation of the European center of horse breeding ... cf. the royal name Thia-marcus among the Agafirsi, which clearly includes the mentioned horse term, cf., with another suffix, other-Indus Ved. marya - 'stallion' " [2003, p. 159].

The appearance of a domesticated horse and mythological scenes with the image of a horse beyond the Urals could only be the result of a historically noticeable process. The large-scale migration flow following Tocharian in Northwest Asia is associated with native speakers of Indo-Aryan and Ancient Iranian dialects. But before that, as a result of the interaction of the old Indo-Iranian dialect with the Middle Eastern languages, the satemic form of the Indo-Iranian name of the horse (other-Indus. asva -, avest. aspa -, other-Persian. asa -): noise. si.si, akkad. sisu, ugar. ssw, other-Hebrew sus, etc. This circumstance "testifies to the exceptional antiquity of the separation of the old Indo-Iranian dialect from the Greek-Armenian-Aryan community "(Gamkrelidze and Ivanov, 1984, pp. 872-876, 914) and, probably, indirectly about the Indo-Iranian origins of horse breeding in the Volga-Ural region and in North-West Asia. Therefore, it is possible that the range of Indo-European languages spoken by the creators of the "horse-headed" wands is narrowed to speakers of Indo-Iranian dialects. Therefore, when interpreting the semantic meaning of these wands, it is reasonable to refer to sources representing the Indo-Iranian / Indo-Aryan mythological stratum.

The probable derivatives of these ideas preserved among the Indo-European and Siberian peoples are also interesting. When describing the burial rite among the Arin and Tubin people, D. G. Messerschmidt noted the peculiarity of the warrior's burial: "His best horse was slaughtered, its skin was stripped off its head and placed on a stick, which was placed on the grave." A similar ritual is described in the "Barabintsy" (from the diary of D. G. Messerschmidt dated March 17 and December 26, 1721, translated by Z. D. Titova [2003]). Among the Yakuts, the Kangalas prince Mazary used the image of a horse as a banner (Bakhrushin, 1987, p. 194). When addressing the upper evil spirits, Yakut shamans placed a horse's skull or an image of a mythical winged animal with a horse's head on a larch tree or stake (Novik, 2004, p. 26). Some groups of Siberian Tatars used horse skulls as amulets [Ocherki..., 1994, p. 353]. Buryat shamans use" a horse "- that is, a pole with a horse's head - in ecstatic dances " [Eliade, 2000, p. 433]. The rite of "reviving" such canes was intended to "turn them into living horses" (Prokofieva, 1981, p. 4). 52], on which the shaman will travel to the land of spirits (Khangalov, 2004, p. 130, 136). Perhaps this rite goes back to the tradition of making "horse-headed" wands with a similar myth-ritual function. P. P. Slavnin gave examples from Yakut and Shor ethnography about replacing the shamanic tambourine with a stick with the image of a horse's head or its attributes [1949, p. 125].

These cases are mainly related not to the horse, but to its head. Accordingly, the partiality of sculptural images suggests referring only to those subjects where the horse's head appears as a self-sufficient character, and not on the principle of likening a part to a whole. Considering the Ukrainian fairy tales about the "mare's head", E. M. Meletinsky believed that " this is an extremely archaic magical fetish, most likely of totemic origin. The cult of the horse and the horse's skull, which supposedly embodies a powerful spirit, played a significant role in the primitive rituals of various peoples. The tale of the mare's head originally undoubtedly depicted "initiation", the acquisition of a spirit-helper " [2005, p. 167]. The magical abilities of the "mare's head" are described in Russian fairy tales and in the Lithuanian legend about a hole in the swamp plugged by a large horse's head. V. F. Miller compared this plot with the Indian name of the entrance to the underworld: "vadavamukha" or "vadavavahtra" - "mare's mouth" [1876, pp. 197-198].

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In the Eastern Slavic fairy tale, "mare's head" is an ambivalent and borderline character. The first requirement of the "mare's head" for the heroines is to open the door and transfer them over the threshold. The separating and connecting motif of the door/threshold is key in the interpretation of the image. The girl who fulfills the request is favored, and the girl who ignores it is eaten [Narodnye russkiye skazki..., 1984, p. 119-120; Meletinsky, 2005, p. 167]. The functionality of the "mare's head" is associated with the image of the guardian of the entrance to the realm of the dead (Barag and Novikov, 1984, p.462), which embodies the motif of connecting/differentiating the real and otherworldly worlds.

Traces of horse head veneration by Indo-European peoples are represented in archaic Roman ritual practices and in Roman legends, Greek "meals of the dead"; they were preserved among Belarusians in Polesie, in the Avar funeral rite, etc. [Ivanov, 1989: 79, 80, 83, 84]. In the mentioned "meals of the dead" - ancient Greek commemorations-the feast took place in front of the horse's head, which is depicted on funerary bas-reliefs (Sternberg, 1916, p.183). At these ancient necrodypnes, the deceased was represented as feasting surrounded by family and servants, there were also images of a horse's head and a snake [Freidenberg, 1997, p. 62]. E. E. Kuzmina sees in them an idea of "the ability of a horse, especially its head, to revive a person" [1977, p. 42], and O. M. Freidenberg he believes that "the semantics of the snake and the horse as an underground beginning have long been revealed" [1997, p. 62].

In the Roman Equus October rite, identified by J. Dumezil with ashwamedha, a ritual contest was played around the head of the sacrificial horse between two groups, who sought to seize it and take it either to the Regia - "house of the king", or to Torris Mamilia - "Mamiliev Tower" (Ivanov, 1974, pp. 103-104). There, the horse's head was decorated with a wreath and attached to the wall [Kuzmina, 1977, p. 38].

Horse Skull and Ritual

Three horse skulls were found in the Bikei burial ground (Katun Valley) near the mound of the Afanasyevsky mound in special pits with a stone layout, in a fire pit with fragments of ceramics (Kubarev, 2004, p. 13). Another ancient evidence of a special attitude to the head or skull of a horse among the peoples of Northwest Asia is presented in the Late Neolithic Savin sanctuary on the Tobol River, where the Sosnovoostrovsky and Ayatsky complexes predominate. There are 19 cases of bones of the skull and limbs of a sacrificial horse being found in ditches or ditches near post holes (Potemkina, 1995, p. 146; 2001, p.175, 220). Ritual and symbolic burials of horse heads (skulls) have been recorded in Sintashta and Early Aronian burials in North-West Asia [Gening V. F., Zdanovich, Gening V. V., 1992, p. 235; Kuzmina, 1994, p. 166; Kostyukov, Epimakhov, Nelin, 1995, p. 159, 160, 162, 163, 170; et al.]. Probably, a simultaneous discovery from Gonur-Depe, where a horse skull was found in room 149 (excavation 9) at a height of 35 cm from the floor near the royal necropolis (Sarianidi and Dubova, 2008, p. 150). At the Okunevsky burial ground of Syda V, a horse skull was found in an empty box, and a fragment of another one was found in the fence of mound 4 (Gryaznov and Komarova, 2006, pp. 56-58, 72). Fragments of horse jaws were found in the grave of Rostovka (Matyushchenko and Sinitsyna, 1988, p. 23). A fragment of a horse skull was also found in a square-painted stone box with two burials in the Andronovo burial ground Sukhoe Ozero I (Maksimenkov, 1978, p. 30).

In the Karasuk time, the cult of the horse's head or skull is recorded in some complexes of Mongolia and the Kuznetsk Basin. On one of the Western Mongolian altars with two deer stones, almost under each of the hundreds of small stone mounds with a common fence, there was a "set" of a horse's skull and hooves (Novgorodova, 1989, p.202). On the north-western tip of the Kuznetsk basin, manipulations with horse heads or skulls are recorded at the Irma burial grounds of Titovo I, Zhuravlevo-4 and Tanay VII with stone statuesque structures over men's graves. In the center of the mound is a mound. 1 Titov I found a horse skull at a depth of 0.3 m (Savinov and Bobrov, 1978, p. 50). On the burial ground of Zhuravlevo-4 under the mound of mounds. 10 tombstone obelisks with a height of 0.8 - 1.0 m were found, and nine horse skulls oriented to the southwest (five) and northeast (four) were found nearby in a shallow pit [Bobrov, Chikisheva, Mikhailov, 1993, pp. 37-39]. I believe this represented the sunrise in the northeast during the summer solstice and its sunset in the southwest at the time of the winter solstice. Such mythocalendar symbolization probably goes back to the south-western orientation of horses (burial grounds Nurtai, Ashisu), and later people in Andronovo burials. Obelisks in three burials and a pit with five horse skulls were found in mound 7 of Tanaya VII [Bobrov and Goryaev, 1998, p. 182, Fig. 1, 4; p. 184; Mikhailov, 2001, p. 194]. In mound 14 of this burial ground, a pit was found adjacent to an unusual burial and contained 52 (!) horse skulls with fractured frontal bones, as well as long bones of two horses (Bobrov and Goryaev, 1998, pp. 183-184). In the eastern part, a log was recorded [Bobrov, Mylnikova, Gorya-

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ev, 1997, p. 145], which resembles a sacrificial post- "hitching post". This is a unique case, as there are no known examples of such horse catacombs in the Bronze Age cultures of Northwest Asia. The scale of the Tanai act of grandiose horse sacrifice that accompanied the buried Irmenets is comparable to the memorial ritual of the Scythians described by Herodotus, who a year after the burial of the king killed 50 young men and 50 horses on his grave [Herodotus, IV. 72]. The pit, similar to the orientation of horse skulls at the Zhuravlevo-4 burial ground, is elongated along the north-east-south-west line. It is noteworthy that the sacrificial horse in ashwamedha also goes to the northeast: "Then they let it (the horse) go to the northeast ... The northeast is the domain of both the gods and man "[Satapatha-Brahmana, XIII. 4. 2. 15].

Horse's head and the Indo-Aryan tradition

In the Vedic ashvamedha, the front part of the horse, its head, "is dedicated to the fire god Agni, identified with the dawn, correlated with one of the three types of well-being (tejas 'spiritual energy'), one of the parts of the three-part cosmos and with one of the three queens" (Ivanov, 1989, p.81). The content of this allegory is also revealed in the main upanishad: "Om! Verily, the dawn is the head of the sacrificial horse, the sun is its eye, the wind is its breath, and its open mouth is the fire of Vaisvanara." Vaishvanara - "omnipresent", "universal" - is an epithet of fire and the fire god Agni, while the head is the most important part of the body, just as the dawn is the most important part of the day [Syrkin, 1992, p.162]. Agni himself often takes the form of a horse carrying a sacrifice to the gods [Elizarenkova, 1989a, p. 501].

For the semantic series of "horse-headed" wands, it is symptomatic that the Vedic horse tied to the sacrificial pole is compared to the World Tree. The name of such a pillar is asvayupa -, meaning "horse pillar" or "horse-pillar" (Ivanov, 1974, p. 101). Personifying the sacrificial horse, "the ritual pillar (asvayupa-) is functionally identified with the 'World Tree': others-indus. asvattha -, literally: 'horse tree' "[Gamkrelidze and Ivanov, 1984, p. 549], in the sense of "horse parking" [Toporov, 2010, p.220-221] or "horse - tree". This meant that the ritual images of the sacrificial horse and the World Tree were identical (Ivanov, 1974: 95, 115). A stylized figurative embodiment of such a worldview doctrine, as well as the idea of horse sacrifice, could be a stone "horse-headed" rod. This is indirectly confirmed by the location of such a rod in the burial of the Shipunovo V burial ground, where it stood vertically with its pommel facing down (Kiryushin and Ivanov, 2001, p. 43), like a sacrificial pole with the dead horse's head down.

The phallic appearance of the" horse-headed " wands corresponds to the participant in the ritual of the royal sacrifice. The front part of the sacrificial horse, its head, is associated with the main of the three (four) queens - the eldest wife of the king, who anoints, decorates and marks this part of the sacrifice with a golden needle (Ivanov, 1974, p. 95-96) (otherwise compare: [Shomakhmadov, 2007, p. 45]). It was she who lay down next to the slain animal, depicting the ritual copulation and marriage of the queen with a horse [Ivanov, 1974, p. 98], who replaced the king, who as a result of the ceremony and the inauguration included in it acquired royalty [Vasilkov, 1988, p.109; Shomakhmadov, 2007, p. 46-47]. Consequently, the phallic shape of the rod could symbolize the ritual role function of the participant in the described episode of the rite.

However, the key semantic meaning of "horse-headed" wands is reduced to the insignia of power and the attribute of the inauguration. This version is accompanied by the plot semantics of products. The Indo-Aryan story tells about the legendary ancient rishi or demigod Dadhyancha Atharvan, to whom Indra threatened to lose his head in case of transmitting the divine "honey" wisdom. The Ashwins replaced the Dadhyancha head with a horse's head, and the rishi passed on this wisdom to them. When Indra stripped Dadhyancha of his horse's head, the Ashwins gave him back his own head (Miller, 1876, p. 195-215; Macdonell, 1897, p. 141-142; Ivanov, 1989, p. 81; Elizarenkova, 1989b, p.591; Syrkin, 1992, p. 184-185).

There is also a late version of the Vedic story about the Dadhyancha of the commentator Sayana (XIV century). With the death of the rishi, the Asuras flooded the earth, and Indra could no longer cope with them. When Indra learned that Dadhyanch was in the sky, he began to search for something of him on earth. They found a horse skull, with which Dadhyanch revealed to the Ashwins the secret of the honey of Tvashtar, i.e. soma. Indra smashed the Asuras with his bones (Elizarenkova, 1989b, p. 592). In Indo-Aryan / Indo-Iranian mythology in general, and in Vedic mythology in particular, there are many stories that touch on horse themes. But, perhaps, this is the only one in the Rig Veda plot played motif of the key role of the horse's head, which dramatically affects the outcome of events. Therefore, it is not his later interpretations that are more symptomatic, but the most archaic content plan that has absorbed the ancient tradition of oral narration. The three hymns mention the trick of the Ashwins and the action of Dadhyancha:

O two husbands, I am informing you of this terrible miracle of yours,
Like thunder about rain to get a reward:
I gave you what honey is.

[Rig Veda, I. 116. 12]

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Dadhyancu, O Ashvina, to Atharvan's son,
You put on a horse's head.
It is He, the Pious One, who has revealed to you the mead
of Tvashtar, which was hidden from you, O wonderful ones.

[Rig Veda, I. 117.22]

And that bee whispered something about honey to you.
Intoxicated with soma, the son of Usidci loudly says,
" You want to arrange the thought of Dadhyancha."
Then the horse's head told you.

[Rig Veda, I. 119. 9]

A similar story is contained in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad:

Truly, this is the honey that Dadhyanch Atharvana gave to the Ashwins. Seeing this, the rishi said:

"About a terrible act committed for your benefit, heroes,
I will proclaim as thunder proclaims rain.
This honey is Dadhyanch Atharvana
I gave you a horse's head."

Truly, this is the honey that Dadhyanch Atharvana gave to the Ashwins. Seeing this, the rishi said:

"Ashwins, Atharvan Dadhyancha
You bet a horse's head.
Fulfilling his promise, he gave you the honey
of Tvashtar so that you, the terrible ones, would keep it a secret."

[Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, II. 5. 16, 17]

Another Vedic hymn tells of the victorious end of the story:

Indra Bones Dadhyancha
Unhindered.
Ninety-nine enemies.

Looking for the horse's head,
Which was hidden in the mountains,
He found it at Sharyanavat's.

[Rig Veda, I. 84. 13,14]

The key motif of all the passages is reduced to the horse's head, which has an extraordinary, comparable to divine power, revealing hidden knowledge and bringing power and prosperity to its owner. Such unusual qualities of a horse-headed mythological character are represented by stone wands with the image of a horse's head. The "literal" semantic correspondence of the bronze bell-shaped finial from the vicinity of Omsk, as well as its analogs, is also interesting (see Fig. 3), the motive of replacing the head: "like" the head of Dadhyancha, this "horse-headed" pommel could be removed from the shaft and replaced with another, and vice versa.

A similar interpretation of vajra is also found in the later version of the myth about the manufacture of Indra's weapons from the bones of the Dadhichi - Dadhyancha skeleton (Neveleva, 1975, p. 64; Mifi..., 1994, p. 347). The gods receive the bones of the self-sacrificing Dadhichi, from which Tvashtri makes vajra to kill Vritra [Mahabharata. The third book. Forest (Aranyakaparva), ch. 98]. Obviously, the plot corresponds to this myth and the Vedic references to Indra killing his enemies with Dadhyancha bones, about the search for the horse head of the sage [Rig Veda, I. 84. 13. 14]. It is the motif of a single substance: the bones, skull or skull bones of Dadhyancha as a tool for destroying Indra's opponents and as material for vajra-the tools of the creator of the universe and the universal weapon of the deity. Thus, the consonance of mythopoetic meanings and pictorial embodiments of the idea of the "horse-headed" receptacle of hidden wisdom and world-creating power allows us to see in the "horse-headed" wands the prototype and symbolic substitute of vajra.

Among the earliest Vedic motifs is the connection of Dadhyancha with Dadhikra , the mythical victorious war horse and the horse of the victorious Dasyu, the king of the Puru Dasyu tribe [Mifi..., 1994, p. 347], born as a result of a horse sacrifice to Seven Rishis - the Big Dipper [Rigveda, IV. 42. 8, 9; Elizarenkova, 1989b, p. 347]. 748-749]. Puru is one of the two oldest Indo-Aryan tribes, the first migrants, sung and highly revered in the epic [Lelekov, 1982, p. 152]. The Vedic Purus lived on the banks of the Sarasvati River (Erman, 1980, p. 45), whose prototype is the Volga (see, for example, Redei, 1997, p. 150, 153; Chlenova. 1984, p. 96]). Therefore, the legendary horse belonging to their king and the extraordinary horse head of the sage associated with it go back to the archaic Indo-Aryan mythology. Naturally, the sculptural embodiment of the image of the wonderful war horse of the king on the attribute of a social leader, certifying his high status and extraordinary strength. Probably, the semantic series of "horse-headed" wands included the symbolization of archaic representations that go back to the prototypes of both Dadhyancha and Dadhikra.

As a thunderer's weapon, the vajra is often likened to lightning [Eliade, 1999, p. 90], which in the 19th century was compared with the image of Dadhyancha-Dadhichi (see: [Miller, 1876, p. 212-215; Macdonell, 1897, p. 141-142; Myths..., 1994, p. 347; etc.]). Evidence of such an impersonation is found in the Mahabharata:

Fire, which permeates everything that moves and remains motionless, originated from water; thunder, which crushes the danavas, was created from the bones of Dadhichi.

[The Mahabharata. Adiparva. Book One, ch. 127]

The personification of lightning by Dadhyanch is due to his role as a weapon of Indra, and the derivation of the name of the horse-headed rishi, as well as the legendary horse Dadhikra, from dadhi - "sour milk" - is associated with the belief about the influence of thunderstorms on the curdling, i.e. souring, of milk [Macdonell, 1897, p.142; Myths....

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1994, p. 347]. This idea was first expressed, if not by A. E. McDonell, then shortly before him: "... the assumption that Dadhyanch originally represented fire in the form of lightning does not seem implausible. A horse's head can mean its speed, its voice when it speaks can mean thunder, its bones can mean lightning... The name also indicates the effect of milk curdling from thunderstorms " [Macdonell, 1897, p. 142].V. F. Miller denied the likeness of the head of Dadhyancha to lightning, considering the horse's head to be identical with the month, and the "milky" name Dadhyancha indicating its connection with the Milky Way [1876, p. 204-213]. But this idea has not been confirmed and supported. Therefore, in the above semantic series, the wonderful horse head of Dadhyancha is reasonably likened to lightning-Indra's vajra, the prototype of which is seen in stone "horse-headed" wands.

Conclusion

The listed semantic meanings of vajra preceded its understanding as a tool and weapon of the supreme deity-an axe, mace or hammer, the identification with which is more likely associated with the proto-Iranian substrate of the Indo-Iranian community. V. I. Abaev correlates the term "vajra" only with Proto-Iranian borrowings in Finno-Ugric languages: fin. wasara, est. vasar - "hammer", mord, user - "axe", corresponding to the Avestan vazra - "club" [1981, p. 86]. T. V. Gamkrelidze and V. V. Ivanov also point out that this concept is borrowed by Finno-Ugric languages from Early Iranian [1984, p.928]. K. Redei refers Fin. vasara to the Finno-Permian loanwords (wasara - "axe, hammer") from Proto-Indo-Iranian or, like V. I. Abaev, from Proto-Iranian vazra, mentioning etc. - indus. vajrah [1997, p. 147, 154] (see also [Barrow, 1976, p. 28]).

An invariant remnant of the previous, more archaic meaning of vajra is preserved in the Rig Veda. The Indo-Aryan concept of vajra goes back to the "horse-headed" insignia of a social and sacred leader, which was likened to a magical attribute functionally comparable to a tambourine or a "horse" cane (among Buryats) the shaman. Probably, at this stage, the idea of the horse's head's involvement in the focus of supernatural knowledge and the implementation of divine providence was formed. B. L. Ogibenin concluded that "the position of the vajra is easily comparable to the position of a sacrificial pillar; the vajra is also sacrificed" (Ogibenin, 1968, p. 63). The personification and substitute of such belonging to the supreme deity was a "horse-headed" vajra in the hands of a person with a high social status, endowed not only with the powers of a leader, but also with priestly prerogatives. (see also: [Rig Veda, VIII. 100. 9]). This identification unfolds the semantic plane of vajra as an image of the World tree = sacrificial pillar with a horse tied to it = sacrificed to it. The pictorial likeness of these meanings could also be embodied in" horse-headed " wands, which symbolized the cosmogonic aspect of this idea and the ritual scenario associated with it.

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