A. K. CHEUCHEVA. THE NORTH-WEST CAUCASUS IN THE POLITICS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE XVIII-60s OF THE XIX CENTURY. Maikop: OOO "Kachestvo", 2007. 352 p.

The reviewed monograph is of great interest from the point of view of studying the new history of the East (the Ottoman Empire and the North Caucasus in the first place), the new history of Russia, the history of British policy in the Caucasus and in the East as a whole in the XVIII-XIX centuries, as well as topical problems of Russian Caucasian policy today. It is precisely these problems that both scientists and politicians have paid apparently insufficient attention to until recently.

The relevance, scientific and political significance of the topic of the monograph are indisputable in the light of the events in the Caucasus, the revision of old assessments and concepts of Soviet historiography, and the growing interest in what was once the Russian and then the Soviet East. What makes the topic particularly interesting is the fact that Turkey and the Western powers that support it (including Britain) are once again, as has happened many times in history, involved in the difficulties and failures of Russia's policy in the Caucasus, in attempts to deprive Russia of access to the Black Sea and control over the Caucasus oil and oil delivery routes leading through the Caucasus and gas of Central Asia.

The Caucasian problem is currently attracting a lot of attention from researchers both in Russia and abroad. The specific geographical position of the North Caucasus determines its specific place in international life. In the study of its history, a special place is occupied by the period of the last quarter in the XVIII-60s of the XIX century, which largely determined and changed the fate of the region.

A. K. Cheucheva has well studied the historiography of the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods, including the works of Russian and Adyghe authors, which were carried out in the nature of sociological and ethnographic surveys; an overview of the foreign historiography of the topic is also presented. Most of the works of British, American, Turkish and Polish historians used in this work are not known to us. The author has studied the texts of treaties, conventions, memoranda and other diplomatic documents of European powers and the Ottoman Empire.

The lower (chronologically) boundary of the study was determined by the conclusion of the 1774 Treaty of Kuchuk-Kaynardzhi between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, as well as the inclusion of Crimea in the Russian Empire. The 1860s, which were characterized by the end of the Caucasian War and a decrease in the activity of foreign policy in the Caucasus, complete the period considered in the monograph. The work is written clearly, logically, historical events are described in detail, so that the reader gets the closest to reality image of what was happening then in the North Caucasus.

The monograph describes the social system of the Circassians of the XVIII-XIX centuries, the presence of classes and estates (from princes to slaves). along with the preserved institutions of tribal equality, as well as with electoral assemblies, which testified to the strengthening of military democracy in the face of resistance to both Ottoman and tsarist conquerors. The material provided by the author about so-

page 196
social relations among the Circassians and the sources used provide a lot of valuable information about this poorly studied period in the history of society, which was insufficiently covered by our historians. The economic life of Circassia and the role of the Ottoman and English merchants in it, as well as the institution of the slave trade, connections with the "Black Sea Cossacks" (Kuban), the emergence of direct contacts with Russia (although in fact the first Circassians in Russia were relatives of Ivan the Terrible's second wife Maria Temryukovna) are well shown.

The monograph consists of three chapters, each of which includes several paragraphs.

In the first chapter, it is stated that the North-West Caucasus during the period under review was a historically formed and strategically important region with cultural, ethnic, geographical specifics and independent regional interests. At the same time, it attracted the attention of a wide variety of external forces. This part of the Caucasus, as noted above, became the scene of a fierce struggle between the Ottoman Empire and Russia. Great Britain also actively intervened in the Caucasus at that time.

A. K. Cheucheva describes in detail the internal and external situation in the North Caucasus. The population of such a large historical and ethnographic region was characterized by ethnic diversity with the prevailing influence of the Adyghe ethnic group. Foreign powers tried to use this fact to interfere in the political situation in the region, which had a constant impact on the social and other life of the Circassians. The social structure of Adyghe society was typical of the feudal period of its development. In the mass consciousness, there were clearly formed ideas about the hierarchy of the social structure, about nobility and aristocracy. The main occupations of the population were agriculture and cattle breeding. Due to the dominance of subsistence farming, as well as the weak differentiation of handicrafts, domestic trade was poorly developed.

Foreign trade, as the author writes, developed successfully. The Black Sea coast connected the Northwestern Caucasus with the Ottoman Empire. Due to historical circumstances, the Black Sea was for a long time the exclusive sphere of influence of the Ottoman Empire ("Turkish lake"). This also applied to the Caucasian coast. The sea was an important economic zone within which coasting was carried out. The Ottoman authorities pursued a policy of patronizing trade with the Circassian coast, for many centuries prevailing as a trading partner of the North Caucasus. At the same time, the growing trade of the population of the south of Russia and the North-West Caucasus intensified. Regular mutually beneficial trade strengthened Russia's position here.

The monograph clearly shows how the Ottoman Empire developed a system of relations with various peoples that were part of it or lived on the borders of the empire over the entire history of its existence. Having a number of fortresses on the coast of the North Caucasus, the Ottomans were primarily interested in generating income and spreading their influence in the region. The fortresses served as the centers of Istanbul's political influence on the situation. They housed the Ottoman garrisons.

However, there is no reason to talk about the subordination or vassalage of the peoples of this region from Istanbul. The Ottoman sultans had some political influence in Circassia in the coastal zone around the fortresses, without penetrating deep into the Circassian lands. It was based on the Ottoman occupation of a particular area. Without military force, they could not imagine their domination in the North-Western Caucasus. At the same time, the methods of spreading their influence were the propaganda of Islam and the spiritual authority of the Sultan, the introduction of Sharia law into the life of the peoples of the region. These processes were developed in Circassia in the XIX century, partially giving the liberation movement of local mountaineers against Russia a religious connotation.

The military and political significance of the territory of the North-West Caucasus increased during the Russo-Ottoman wars. After the loss of a significant part of the Northern Black Sea coast in 1774, especially the Crimea, the Ottoman Empire intensified its policy in the region. The vali (governors) of large fortresses (Anapa, Sujuk-Kale) coordinated the efforts of the Ottoman army and the local Muslim militia against Russian troops during periods of war. But in the end, these events were not successful.

Strengthening of Russia's position in the North-West Caucasus during the 18th century. it contributed to the fact that the Ottoman Empire for the first time "ceded" territories inhabited by Muslims. The strengthening of the Russian Empire and the weakening of the Ottoman Empire predetermined the development of the political and any other situation in the North-West Caucasus in the 19th century. Considering this, A. K. Cheucheva ver-

page 197
but it traces the connection of the policy of the Ottoman sultans in Circassia with the zigzags and contradictions in their relations with Russia in the late XVIII-early XIX centuries. Based on sources and new publications, she thoroughly investigated the still clearly insufficiently studied initial stage of the Russian-Ottoman confrontation in the North-West Caucasus.

The second chapter is devoted to the Circassian question in the Russo-Ottoman wars and peace treaties between Russia and the Ottomans in the second quarter of the XIX-60s of the XIX century. The conclusion of the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829 largely determined the future of the North Caucasian peoples. In the process of annexation to Russia of territories that were for a considerable time in the sphere of influence of Istanbul, military and international legal problems arise. Unfortunately, the foreign policy orientation of the peoples of the North-West Caucasus was of secondary importance, since it was impossible to achieve a solution to these problems independently, without the use of "appropriate power and political levers" (p.103). In the complex historical situation that developed during the period under study, this made the North-West Caucasus an object of rivalry between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, and then England, rather than a subject of international relations. In the course of the struggle for possession of the North-West Caucasus, diplomacy was often a continuation of war, and war was a continuation of diplomacy.

The end of the 1820s was characterized by a worsening of the international situation in Europe and an aggravation of the Eastern question. Britain stepped up its Middle East policy and recognized Greece as a belligerent country. On July 26, 1827, representatives of England, France and Russia signed the London Convention, which was based on the principle of a collective solution of the Eastern question. The refusal of the Ottoman government to negotiate, the expansion of hostilities in Greece led to the intervention of the participants of the London Convention in the unfolding events. In October 1827, the Allies defeated the Ottoman fleet in Navarino.

Forced to give Russia the territory of the North-Western Caucasus in 1829, the Ottomans began to provide secret support to their agents among the local peoples, facilitated the supply of weapons to anti-Russian tribes, maintained various ties with the population (religious, commercial, personal), actively influencing the rapidly changing political situation.

A. K. Cheucheva pays due attention to the analysis of the policy of the Ottomans towards the Adygs, an important direction of which was the promise to support the Caucasian peoples in the struggle for independence. This tactic of Istanbul contributed to the fact that many Circassians, hoping for help, could not soberly assess the political situation and continued to conduct an armed struggle with the Russian army. At crucial moments, when the population, tired of the cruelties and hardships of war, was ready to come to an agreement with the Russian administration, the activities of Ottoman agents contributed to the breakdown of negotiations. In addition, after the Treaty of Adrianople, the Ottoman Empire pursued a policy of resettling small groups of the population of the North-Western Caucasus within its borders. This direction of the Sultan's policy became more and more important both for the Caucasians and for Istanbul at every stage of solving the Eastern issue.

The 1830s marked a milestone in the history of Ottoman diplomacy. The weakening of the Ottoman Empire and the lagging behind of rapidly developing European countries forced the empire's statesmen to improve their apparatus and introduce a new organization of diplomatic activity, which Europe largely served as an example. The sultans sent their young subjects to Europe to get acquainted with Western civilization, began to reorganize the army and reform, in particular, to consider the rights of ethnic and religious minorities( within certain limits) and some "Europeanization" of society. Later, historians called this time the "era of Tanzimat". According to the Turkish historian Karal, "the passive Ottoman policy in relations with non-European states was replaced by an active policy" (p. 143-144).

The main task of Ottoman diplomacy in the 1830s and 1840s was to preserve the integrity of the empire in the fight against the national liberation movement of its non-Turkic peoples and the expansion of European states that claimed a share of the "Turkish inheritance". Britain was also interested in preserving the Ottoman Empire (as a counterweight to Russia above all), including through "modernizing" reforms. This led to a temporary convergence of interests between England and the Ottomans in the North-West Caucasus in the period after the signing of the Treaty of Adrianople, and then the Crimean War (1853-1856). It arose as a result of the aggravation of international contradictions between the great European powers-Great Britain and France.

page 198
France, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other. Tsarist Russia planned to take control of the Black Sea Straits and strengthen its position in the Balkans. Britain and France sought to thwart Russia while simultaneously subjugating the Ottoman Empire to their influence.

A. K. Cheucheva dwells in detail on the underestimation of the factor of independence of Adygs in determining foreign policy priorities and their unwillingness to defend the interests of foreign powers. During the Crimean War, this led to the failure of the Allied plans. In general, the population of the Caucasus reacted passively to the calls of the Anglo-French to take part in military operations on their side. In the Adyghe society, the priorities of freedom and independence from external influence turned out to be significant. Istanbul's policy was also short-sighted at that time, leading to a confrontation in the North-West Caucasus between two political leaders - Mahomet Amin and Sefer bey Zin, which ended in an open military clash between them. The Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 stipulated that the Black Sea coast belonged to Russia, but provided for the destruction of Russian fortresses on the coast. The Western powers explained their relatively "soft" position towards Russia by the fact that the Highlanders did not show a desire to join the allies during the war. The Crimean War in the North-West Caucasus resulted in further destabilization of the region's political and economic situation.

A. K. Cheucheva proceeds from the correct position that the Ottoman Empire had no legal rights to consider Circassia as its part, since it never ruled it. But the sultans considered any area with a Muslim population to be part of their empire. The official Ottoman ideology claimed that a Muslim had no nationality, and his or her faith alone was enough to make him or her a subject of the Sultan. The Circassians expressed their opposition to joining the Ottomans in repeated protests, although it was only symbolically (as the author reports) proclaimed by the sultan during the Crimean War. They also demanded that the Ottoman Empire not declare the transfer of power over the Circassians to another state, since this power never belonged to it. Therefore, the declaration of Circassia as an Ottoman province (eyalet) during the Crimean War did not help strengthen the influence of the Ottomans in the North-Western Caucasus.

An important consequence of the Crimean War was the beginning of mass emigration of the indigenous inhabitants of the Caucasus to the Ottoman Empire, which went down in history under the name mahajirstvo (Arabic, muhadjara - "resettlement", "emigration"). The main reason for this complex historical phenomenon in the 1850s - 1870s was the Caucasian War and the policy of the tsarist autocracy towards the population of the North-Western Caucasus. The Ottoman Empire, as well as Britain, France, and the anti-Russian Polish emigration led by Prince Czartoryski, who stood behind it, also played a major role in the process of mahajirism. The settlers were stationed in various regions of the Ottoman Empire and used to strengthen the Sultan's army. As a result of Mahajirism, the ethnic composition of the population of the North-West Caucasus changed. The number of the Adyghe ethnic group has decreased especially sharply. The exact number of mahajirs has not been determined.

The third chapter of the monograph, devoted to the policy of England in Circassia, is extremely interesting. The author convincingly shows the true nature of the imperial policy of Great Britain, aimed at preventing Russia from entering the Middle East, the Straits and, if possible, the Black Sea in general. A. K. Cheucheva examines in detail the dialectic of relations between Russia and England in the North-West Caucasus and their impact on the fate of the peoples of this region in 1830 - 1850s. The factor of political interaction between the Ottoman Empire and the territory of the North-West Caucasus was crucial for the policy of Great Britain in determining its goals and objectives in this "hot" region, where the interests of Caucasians, Russians, Ottomans, British, their allies and opponents are intertwined in a complex knot of conflicts. The analysis of the political situation in the region resulted in the conclusion that it is possible to use the struggle of the Adygs of the North-West Caucasus for independence in order to prevent Russia's advance to the East.

After the conclusion of the Treaties of Adrianople and especially Unkiyar-Iskelessi (1833) in London, a political concept was formed, according to which the advance of Russia to the East threatened British power in the colonies. The leaders of the British Embassy in Constantinople, Ambassador Ponsonby and his Secretary Urquhart, played a major role in developing this concept. In their opinion, Circassia could become a convenient buffer, delaying Russia's exit to the East for a long time. But official London still wanted to achieve its goal in the North-West Caucasus without much risk. England's policy towards the Caucasus during the Crimean War became more active. The Circassian question has found a wide response in the public circles of the United Kingdom. Public committees were organized, which aimed to:

page 199
influence the decisions of the British Parliament on foreign policy issues in the North Caucasus. But their activities were not successful. At the Paris Peace Conference, the question of creating an independent state of Circassia was not even raised for discussion.

Analyzing the policy of Great Britain in relation to the North-West Caucasus, A. K. Cheucheva draws attention to the activities of British politicians to include its entire territory in the sphere of free trade and the associated struggle against the Russian blockade of the Circassian coast. England, as a country of highly developed commercial capital at that time, insisted on this, but, as the author of the monograph shows, not at all for "principled" or "moral" reasons, but for quite practical reasons. After all, free trade led to unprecedented arms shipments to the North Caucasus and was directly directed against Russia. Twice during the 1830s and 1850s, the issue of free trade with the Circassian coast became the subject of fierce disputes between the British and Russian governments, but was never resolved in favor of England. However, after the end of the Caucasian War, the situation changed and the Russian government opened five ports on the eastern coast of the Black Sea for the trade of ships of all nations.

A characteristic feature of British politics was the use of all forces opposed to Russia to their advantage. In the Caucasus, with the help of England, military formations were created consisting of European emigrants, mainly Poles, who fled from the Russian army in the Caucasus or settled for political or other reasons in the Ottoman Empire, as well as in Western Europe. After the end of the Caucasian War and the failure of attempts to organize an independent state of Circassia in the Caucasus, England continued to closely monitor the development of the political situation in the region. The political priorities of Great Britain in foreign policy were clearly manifested in the period of Circassian emigration. Due to the fact that the British foreign policy concept was based on the principle of preserving the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, the British government decided to use the Mahajirs to strengthen its defense capability in order to strengthen it. Thus, in the policy of Great Britain and in the plans of the Ottoman Empire, the Caucasus was assigned the role of a counteracting force of Russia.

In conclusion, I would like to note that the monograph by A. K. Cheucheva is relevant in scientific and political terms, is interesting in factual terms, is characterized by absolute novelty, good knowledge of sources and literature.

Permanent link to this publication: