Chiefdoms and polities (which the author calls negars in the Malay-Indonesian region) were formed on the site of pathetic fishing (and pirate) villages, whose inhabitants were looking forward to the monsoon: the north-eastern one, which brought junks under square sails , or the south-western one, which brought larger ships. Chinese appeared on junks, and Indians, Persians, and Arabs appeared on ships that came from the western side. All of them were businesslike, friendly, and their leaders were willing to marry the daughters of local leaders, giving their wives ' fathers unprecedented things, the possession of which raised prestige. In return, the guests wanted gold and gifts from the rainforest (rare tree species, camphor and incense resins), and permission to wait out the time when the monsoon blows in the opposite direction to what is favorable for returning home. The temporary anchorages of overseas vessels and occasional exchanges at first became known and visited under favorable conditions, and local chiefs and elders thus became the heads of chiefdoms and polities.

All these processes took place on the shores of the Strait of Malacca from the first centuries AD to the end of the XIII-beginning of the XIV century. the primacy belonged to the Negars of South-Eastern Sumatra, one of which, Srivijaya, managed in the VII-XIII centuries., relying on the fleets of the Orang Laut-nomadic population of the coastal areas, engaged not only in trade but also by piracy, to extend its influence over the vast waters of the Malay archipelago. At the end of the thirteenth century, changes began. Srivijaya began to disintegrate. The Javanese kingdoms of Singasari and Majapahit attempted to take control of East and Central Sumatra, and the Thai states began to move south towards the Malacca Peninsula. In the 14th and 15th centuries, political changes in the Strait of Malacca were supplemented by religious changes. Srivijaya and its dependent polities in Sumatra, Kalimantan, and the Malacca Peninsula adopted Indian culture and, accordingly, religions that came from India. Now they are being replaced by Islam. It was gradually introduced to the Archipelago and the Peninsula, and finally won on the territory of present-day Indonesia and Malaysia only in the XVII century. A significant role in the western part of Nusantara was played by

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negara Aceh - the Aceh Sultanate, which was the hegemon of this region during the XVI - first half of the XVII century. And it is hardly a coincidence that Aceh (now a" special province " of Indonesia) For centuries it has been and remains the most "Muslim" part of the Republic.

Keywords: Aceh, Johor Riau Sultanate, Malay world, Islam, Nusantara, Indonesia.

THE ARRIVAL OF ISLAM IN NUSANTARA

North and Northeast Sumatra attracted the attention of traders from China, India, and Persia as early as the first half of the 1st millennium BC. In the third century, Chinese sources mention the Pulo region, or Bulo, as researchers believe, an area inhabited by Bataks who mined camphor and benzoin resin, who sold these products of the rainforest to some of the port sites in North Sumatra (Andaya, 2008, p. 110). Information about this coast was also repeated in Chinese chronicles of the sixth century (Wolters, 1967, p. 181, 184-185). Since the ninth century, the name of the port of Ramni, or Lamuri, in North Sumatra, appears in Arabic and Persian geographical writings, and some researchers believe that this was one of the polities that was influenced by the then powerful Srivijaya [Schrieke, vol. 2, 1957, p. 265]. It is possible that this port named Ilamurideshama appears in the Tanjur inscription about the victorious sea campaign of the South Indian (Tamil) ruler Rajendra I Chola to Srivijaya in 1025 (Krom, 1931, p. 245). Chinese author of the XIII century. Zhao Zhugua, describing Srivijaya, mentioned Lamuri as a significant trade center in northern Sumatra (Zhao Zhugua, 1999, p. 157). Lamuri was also known to Marco Polo [Marco Polo Book, 1955, p. 177], and the author of a Javanese poem of the XIV century. "Nagarakertagama" Prapancha.

Northeast Sumatra, which was located on the periphery of Srivijaya Talas-Socratia, is relatively little mentioned in Chinese, Arabic, Persian, and European writings until the 15th and 16th centuries, i.e., before the spread of Islam there and the sea expansion of the Portuguese.

Leaving aside the appearance of the first (apparently isolated) Muslim traders in the seventh and eighth centuries, it can be assumed that from the tenth century Muslim communities began to appear in trading posts along the Strait of Malacca, primarily in North Sumatra, far from the Buddhist center of Srivijaya, located in the east of the island. For centuries, Muslim traders and preachers from India (mainly), but also from Persia and Arabia-maintained relations with the Archipelago, settled in coastal shopping centers, and became related to the locals. The core of the Muslim community in the coastal villages could be both Indonesians who converted to Islam, and people from other countries. As this community grew, the local population united around it.

The victory of Islam in Nusantar is explained by a number of reasons.

Conversion to Islam meant for the Nusantara people, who were connected with navigation and trade, joining the influential brotherhood of Muslim merchants and, if not guaranteeing complete security on the sea route through the Archipelago, which was increasingly controlled by Muslim merchants, then at least a sense of security. From a political point of view, the adoption of Islam for the rulers of the coastal principalities in the context of the disintegration of Sumatran Srivijaya and the decline of Javanese Majapahit meant emphasizing their independence and independence. In the atmosphere of the general crisis of the entire Southeast Asian region of the old ideology, based on the religious and philosophical systems adopted from India and the state cult of the ruler and his deified ancestors, Islam, which contained the ideas of human equality, attached great importance to spirits-

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In addition, he was attracted to the general population by the negative side of life, which preached the rejection of luxury, moderation and simplicity in everything, rejected the need for intermediaries between man and God, and often acted in opposition to the secular authorities. Finally, the spread of Islam was aided by the invasion of the Archipelago by Christian colonialists in the early sixteenth century.

The ways and methods of spreading Islam were diverse. Muslim merchants and preachers, like the Indian culture carriers many centuries before them, intermarried with the daughters of local nobles interested in maritime trade, especially in the 14th and 16th centuries. Local rulers, seeking to strengthen their positions in the situation of instability characteristic of this period, became adherents of the new religion. Usually the nobles were followed by the populace, who also sought support in a changing and turbulent world. Powerful centers for the spread of the new religion were religious schools - pesantren, where students from different regions flocked to the famous preachers. Sufism played a huge role in the perception of Islam by Indonesians, which in its archaic primary foundations was consonant with local shamanism and was significantly influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism, which made it easier for it to penetrate the local environment. It is hardly an accident that Sufism has become one of the most widespread forms of Muslim worship in the coastal areas of Indonesia.

The establishment of Islam in the Archipelago did not mean a break with the local traditions of social and cultural development. Gradually spreading Islam adapted to the peculiarities of Indonesian society, the socio-economic and political structure of which remained basically the same. Even in the religious sphere proper, under the cover of Islam, as before under the cover of Indian religions, local beliefs, concepts, etc. continued to be preserved. This is especially true for the agrarian Javanese society, while the coastal areas outside Java, mainly in Sumatra, were more strongly and deeply affected by the new religion.

The first Muslim states of Nusantara appeared on the periphery, in areas that were not claimed by the large states of the Archipelago. In the second half of the 13th century, the coast of North Sumatra became more important than before on the great trade sea route from India and the Near and Middle East to Southeast Asia and China. The polities of the northeastern coast of the island pioneered the spread of Islam in the Archipelago. Resisting the expansion of Majapahit, and closely associated with Muslim Indian traders, the princes and chieftains of North Sumatra began to convert to Islam. The new religion not only strengthened their ties with the Muslim world, but also served as a strong ideological and political weapon in the struggle to unite and create shopping centers in the Strait of Malacca.

At the very end of the XIII century. Marahat, the chief of the village of Samudra on the northeastern coast of Sumatra, converted to Islam and took the name Malik as-Saleh [Uka Tjandrasasmita, 1978, p. 144]. Samudra, which was one of the trading points of the coast, became the capital of the Muslim principality of Pasey. Hikayat Raja-Raja Pasey, written between 1383 and 1390 [Hikayat Raja.., 1987, p. V], attributes the Islamization of Samudra to the Sherif of Mecca, who sent a ship with religious guides and royal regalia for the ruler of Samudra. The "narrative" also notes the influence of merchants who came from the" Keling land " (benua Keling), i.e. Tamil Muslim traders who played a crucial role in the trade of North Sumatra [Hikayat Raja..., 1987, p. 13, 20]. Samudra Pasey in the context of the disintegration of Srivijaya became the main center of international trade in the Strait of Malacca. Preserving the traditional nature of the economy-the exchange of products of the interior (camphor, benzoin resin, rare wood varieties, to the list of which was added

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from the 14th to the beginning of the 15th centuries, the exchange of pepper for overseas goods, the Pace differed from the previous polities - emporiums: It was an Islamic entity with close ties to the Muslim countries of India and the Middle East.

Pasey successfully repelled Majapahit attacks in the 14th century (Sweeney, 1967, pp. 110-111). As the Portuguese author Tome Pirish wrote, in the second half of the XIV - beginning of the XV century, 20 thousand people lived in the metropolitan area of Pasey, including merchants, of whom there were few from the east, and mostly in Pasey there were "people from Gujarat, the country of Kelin (Tamils. - V. T.), Bengal, Pegu, Siam, Kedah... " [The Suma Oriental.., vol. 1, 1944, p. 144; vol. 2, p. 241].

At the very beginning of the 15th century, the Sultanate of Malacca emerged on the eastern side of the Strait of Malacca, a brilliant trading state that assumed hegemony over the sea routes in the South Sea countries. Its capital, Malacca, became one of the busiest and most famous ports in the world in the second half of the 15th century. Pace has been relegated to the background, but it has not lost its significance [Teeuw, 1964, p. 231]. Malacca, unlike Srivijaya, of which it considered itself the heir (the ruling family was descended from the maharajas of Srivijaya, which had disappeared by that time), did not forcibly suppress trade emporiums in the Strait, preferring to create favorable and comfortable conditions for overseas merchants in Malacca itself. Although Pasey and Malacca were Muslim polities and played a significant role in the spread of Islam, their structure still retained many features of the "indized" societies of the previous era (for more details, see [Wilkinson, 1935; Winstedt, 1935; Winstedt, 1950; Tyurin, 1980]). To a large extent, this was also the case for the sultanates that succeeded Malacca, which was destroyed in 1511 by the Portuguese: Johor-Riau and Perak (Winstedt, 1935; Andaya, 1975).

A decisive turn towards the creation of an Islamic structure was made in the Sultanate of Aceh, which rose in the XVI century, and in the XVII century took the leading place among the Malay formations in the Strait of Malacca.

ACEH ELEVATION

The name Ache first appeared in Portuguese sources at the very beginning of the 16th century and referred to a fishing village in Northern Sumatra (Andaya, 2008, p.116). Although there was no doubt that the village of Ache existed before this time,it did not attract attention, since it was located upstream of the river Ache, at the mouth of which the Lamuri, which had long been visited by foreigners, stood. For some reason, the lords of Lamuri in the second half of the 15th century moved their residence to the village of Makota Alam, which was located opposite Aceh 1. At the very end of the 15th century, the ruler of Makot Alam named Munawar Shah subdued Aceh (Hikayat Atjeh, 1959, p. 34), whose name was transferred to the entire polity of Munawar. Foreign merchants still did not penetrate into the interior of the country, limiting themselves to trading on the coast itself, and, for example, a French merchant who visited here, who was thrown to the north of Sumatra in the hope of buying pepper at a cheap price, noticed that Aceh was a port that did not deserve attention [Lombard, 1967, p. 37]. It is possible that Aceh was at that time a vassal of the polities of Pidi (Pedira), located on the north-eastern coast of Sumatra, on the border with Aceh (Hikayat Atjeh, 1959, p. 29).

In the 1920s of the 16th century, the situation changed dramatically. Sultan Ali Mughayat Shah (1515 - 1530) conquered the principality of Daya (1520) on the west coast of Sumatra, Pidi (1521) and Pasey (1524) on the northeast coast, and expelled the Portuguese from North Sumatra.,

1 As in other parts of pre-Muslim Nusantra, Aceh had a tradition of associating the appearance of coastal settlements with newcomers from India. According to the Aceh legend, Indian traders, having penetrated into the interior of the country along the river (about 1.5-2 km), were caught in heavy rain and escaped from it under a huge tree, exclaiming: "Achah! ""Achah" ("Beautiful", "Beautiful") [Langen, 1888, biz. 386].

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1873, biz. 15]. Throughout the sixteenth century, the Sultanate fought aggressively for a trade route through the Strait of Malacca. The main enemy was the Portuguese, who made Malacca their stronghold in the South Sea countries. In 1537, the Aceh Sultan Alauddin Riayat Shah al-Qahar (1539-1571) besieged Malacca, but was forced to retreat with heavy losses. In 1547, al-Qahar again laid siege to the city. Acehs ravaged the surrounding area of Malacca and cut off the city's communication with the outside world. Only at the cost of a huge effort of forces did the Portuguese manage to repel this attack [Tyurin, 1970, p. 17].

Al-Qahar proved to be an outstanding ruler. He subjugated the entire northeastern coast of Sumatra, including Aru (1564) with its numerous fleets of Orang Paut and stable connections with the Batak regions, from which camphor, benzoin resin, ratang, eagle tree, pepper and rice came to the coast (Lombard, 1967, p. 73). Alauddin began to refer to himself as "the Sultan of Ache, Barus, Pidi, Pasei and the Daya and Batak vassal states, lord of all the lands washed by the ocean and inland seas, owner of the treasures of Minangkabau and the recently conquered kingdom of Aru" (The Travels..., 1989, p. 54). He sent an embassy to the court of the Turkish Sultan Suleiman al-Qanuni (1520-1566) and received cannon and gunners from him. In 1568, Alauddin again besieged Malacca, but the help of Johor allowed the Portuguese to defend the city. The last third of the sixteenth century was spent in endless Aceh wars with the Portuguese and Johor. Despite frequent changes of sultans on the Aceh throne, the sultanate continued to be a formidable opponent of Portuguese Malacca (for the history of Aceh in the second half of the 16th century, see [Djajadiningrat, 1911, biz. 152 - 160, 167, 191 - 192; Lombard, 1967, p. 35 - 38, 69 - 70]).

The Portuguese sailor Diogo Gilles, who was captured by the Acehans and managed to free himself from captivity, left a description of the Aceh capital, where he spent several years (although the exact dates of his stay there are unknown, apparently, he was in Aceh at the end of the XVI century). Gilles reported that the center of the sultanate was located at a distance of about 40 km - 50 km from the mouth of the Aceh River and was surrounded by fishing villages, forests and rice fields. Food was scarce, and rice was brought from Pidi, Pasei, and Aru, as well as from Pegu and Bengal. The main food market was located on the island of Way off the west coast of Aceh. Aceh's exports consisted of camphor and benzoin resin from Barus in West Sumatra, pepper and gold from East Sumatra. Pepper, Gilles noted, was also brought to Aceh from Pidi, Aru, the Malacca Peninsula and Java.

Although, like many of his contemporaries, Gilles was prone to exaggeration when describing the populousness and prosperity of the cities of the East that he saw, it is nevertheless clear that Ache was a significant commercial center. The Portuguese estimated the population of the capital (more precisely, the central region of the country) at 70 thousand people, of which more than 7500 people were foreigners. The latter lived in separate quarters, one of which was inhabited by merchants from Pasey, numbering 3,500 people; in another quarter (or rather, the village) lived 3,000 foreign merchants (Gilles did not specify their nationality) in houses with shops on the lower floors, and 500 Bengalis and 500 merchants from Pegu lived separately. Behind the shopping districts there was a Large Mosque, opposite which there was a square with rooms where foreign embassies were received and the court was held; a separate building was occupied by the palace guard, and behind the residential quarters there was an arsenal where guns and charges for them were stored [Alves, 1990, p. 102-105]. It seems that in the sixteenth century the rulers of Aceh achieved the rise of the sultanate by skillfully exploiting the established trade relations of the Sumatran polities, over which they established their suzerainty. Until at least the middle of the 16th century, the main ports of the sultanate were Pasey and Pidi, connected by sea routes to the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. The coin minted in Pasei remained the main equivalent of trading operations. It is the Pace that has gained

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A second wind after the fall of Malacca, it attracted Indian traders from Bengal, the Coromandel coast and Cambay. When the demand for pepper increased, the sultans of Aceh, having received pepper grains from Malabar in India, forced the population to sow pepper in large areas in the territories under their control (Pasey, Pidi, Aru in Sumatra and Perlis in the Malacca Peninsula) [Andaya, 2008, p. 118]. Finally, Aceh retained the role of Pace as the leading center for the study and dissemination of Islam in the sixteenth century (Lombard, 1967, p. 33; Alves, 1994, p. 128).

Aceh flourished in the first half of the 17th century. At the end of the 16th century, the Dutch and English came to Southeast Asia, and the local states sought to use them in the fight against the Portuguese who settled in this region. Sultan Ache Alauddin Riayat Shah al-Mukamil (1589-1602), who attacked the first Dutch expedition of the de Houtman brothers, which appeared in the sultanate in 1599, established quite friendly relations with the Dutch in the following years. He released the Dutch prisoners and sent an embassy to the Republic of the United Provinces in 1602. After the Dutch, English expeditions also appeared in Aceh (Gerlach, 1873, pp. 37-38). The sultanate supported the Dutch East India Company (NOIC) in the fight against the Portuguese: in 1629, the Acehs again besieged Malacca. Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607 - 1636), taking advantage of the weakening of the Portuguese, who in the Strait of Malacca barely repelled the combined onslaught of NOIK and Johor, began a policy of conquest. Under him and his successor (son-in-law) Iskandare Thani (1637 - 1641) the sultanate extended its influence to the western and eastern coasts of Sumatra, almost to the southern tip of the island, and the principalities of Malaya became its vassals: Kedah, Perak, Pahang. Aceh controlled the areas of pepper production and tin mining , the main products exported by Europeans from Malaya and Sumatra [Lombard, 1967, p. 91-94]. Aceh has become a significant state. His ships sailed to India and to the Red Sea, and in his capital there were traders from India, Persia, Abyssinia, Turkey, Arabia, China, Pegu (Lower Burma), not to mention the Javanese and other inhabitants of the Archipelago [Schrieke, vol. 1, 1956, p. 43].

ACEH'S RELATIONS WITH MUSLIM COUNTRIES

The rise of Aceh was associated with its entry into the rising Islamic world, which affected both the position and capabilities of the sultanate, as well as its internal structure, customs, court orders, etc., which, to a much greater extent than in Pasei or the Malacca Sultanate, meant a break with the era of "indized" polities Nusantars. Already Sultan Ali Mughayat Shah controlled the polities of North and North-East Sumatra under the banner of Islam; in 1575, the Sultan of Aceh demanded that the courtiers wear Arab clothing, and Sultan al-Mukamil invited experts in Islam from Mecca to preach in his possessions [Djajadiningrat, 1911, biz. 160].

In the sixteenth century and much of the seventeenth century, the influence of Islamic powers extended to the Mediterranean, the Red and Black Seas, the Persian Gulf, the Indian Ocean, the inner seas of the Malay Archipelago, and partly the South China Sea. The existence of the three great Muslim empires - the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal - with their magnificent courts, victorious armies, riches, and brilliant culture - contributed to the authority of Islam and its influence on countries located on the periphery of the Muslim world, one of which was the Sultanate of Aceh, which became the conduit of this influence in the Archipelago and Peninsula.

Although Aceh's most intense ties to the Muslim world were in India, especially the Mughal Empire, its contacts with two other Islamic centers, Istanbul and Isfahan, should not be discounted. The Ottoman Empire, which reached the shores of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf in the first half of the 16th century, was the largest city in the world.-

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fighting with the Spanish and Portuguese for the "spice road", they saw Aceh as an ally, and Sultan Suleiman al-Qanuni sent cannons and gunners to Aceh in 1564 and 1569 [Reid, 1969, p. 404-405; Boxer, 1964, p. 115 - 116]. Muslim merchants from the country of Rum, as the Ottoman Caliphate was called in the Malay-Indonesian world, even appeared on the Spice Islands at that time (Andaya, 1993, p. 134-135). The stronghold in the Archipelago for these merchants was Ache. A Frenchman who visited Aceh at the very beginning of the 17th century noted the existence of a Turkish community there, whose members bought pepper from Aceh residents and then resold it to other foreign merchants [Lombard, 1997, p. 8]. With the entry of the holy cities of Islam, Mecca and Medina, into the Ottoman Empire, religious ties between the latter and Aceh were strengthened, the ports of which by that time had become the gateway through which the flow of pilgrims from Southeast Asia flowed to the Hejaz.

The influence of Safavid Iran was also significant, but not so direct, since it mainly reached Aceh through the Muslim states of India, and the" Persian " merchants and preachers were mostly not Persians. In Southeast Asia, "Persian" merchants were especially active in Aceh and Siam (Ayutthaya, 1995, p. 133-141) .2 Religious and secular works written in Persian, the literary language of Muslim households, were translated into Malay, the literary language of Muslim households in the Malay-Indonesian world. Persian-Arabic-Turkish Islamic themes and ideas, along with a large number of Persian-Arabic words and Arabic script in Malay, were distributed in Southeast Asia mainly through Aceh (Winstedt, 1966; Iskandar, 1996).

The bulk of the Muslims who came from the West were, of course, merchants, who at the end of the XVI - beginning of the XVII century. chose Aceh as their main support base in Southeast Asia. A French sailor from San Malo described the capital of the sultanate as follows: "The streets are full of shops belonging to merchants in Turkish-style clothing who have come here from Negapatam, Gujarat, Cape Camorin, Calicut, Ceylon, Siam, Bengal and many other places. They live here for six months to sell their wares: fine cotton fabrics from Gujarat, silk and cotton yarns, various porcelain, a large number of medicines, spices and precious stones" [Lombard, 1997, p. 8].

Ache had an advantageous geographical position, being the first port of the Archipelago, which was located on the sea route connecting Nusantara with the countries located to the west. The capture of Malacca by the Portuguese prompted Muslim traders to find other ports favorable to them, and these ports were the Aceh harbors (sam Aceh, Pasey, Pidi, etc.). This was also facilitated by the policies of the Aceh sultans al-Mukamil and Iskandar Muda, who established control over the pepper and tin production areas, and encouraged the flow of traditional rainforest products to Aceh harbors from the interior of Sumatra.

Gujarati traders were very active in Aceh, buying pepper, nutmeg, cloves, tin, gold, ivory and elephants from the Sultanate. A significant role in Aceh was played by Malabar Muslim merchants of the Mapilla caste and merchants who directly served the Mughal court. Princes Aurangzeb and Dara Shikuh themselves participated in the Aceh trade, and Aurangzeb even exchanged gifts with the Sultan of Aceh in 1641 [Andaya, 2008, p. 121]. And when the PLA, which had captured Malacca from the Portuguese, banned Indian ships from sailing in Aceh in the late 1950s in an attempt to attract them to Malacca, the Mughal Padishah, threatening to attack Dutch trading posts in Gujarat, forced the PLA to lift the ban [Arasaratnam, 1994, p. 72-73].

2 Of all the Southeast Asian countries, Aceh maintained the closest and most friendly relations with Siam, exchanging annual embassies in the early 17th century (The Voyages.., 1877, p. 87).

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An important place in the trade relations of Aceh was occupied by merchants of the Coromandel coast, who played a leading role in the Indian community of the Malacca Sultanate in the XV - early XVI century.The Sultans of Golconda, who attracted Persian merchants to their possessions, created a large trading base in Masulipatnam, from where Muslim ships sailed to Southeast Asia. In south Coromandel, the leading role belonged to the Muslims of the Chulia caste. Coromandel merchants brought to Aceh highly valued fabrics in Sumatra, as well as rice, iron products, indigo, exchanging them for pepper, tin, ivory and spices. Of particular note is the export of elephants from Aceh, which was in high demand in Bengal (Bengali merchants supplied elephants for the Mughal army) and the sultanates of Golkonda, Bijapur and Tanjur. The importance of Coromandel-Aceh relations is evidenced by the presence of permanent representatives of the Aceh sultans in Masulipatnam in the 17th century, and Golconda trade agents in the Aceh capital [Arasaratnam, 1994, p. 119-122, 137]. According to the NOIC administration in Batavia (Jakarta), in the mid-seventeenth century, six large Muslim ships from Bengal, six from Gujarat, five Hindu ships from South India, one from Pegu, and countless smaller ships from the Malay, Javanese, and Moluccas regions of Nusantara, as well as a significant number of Chinese junks, usually called at Aceh every year. [Andaya, 2008, p. 123].

THE IMPACT OF ISLAM ON ACEH SOCIETY

The transformation of Aceh into the largest commercial emporium in the Strait of Malacca, the influx of foreign merchants, mostly Muslim, and the growing military power of the sultans of Aceh all contributed to the transformation of Aceh into the intellectual and spiritual Islamic center in the Malay world of that time. The Sultanate became the successor of Pasey, adopting and developing its traditions. Aceh was visited not only by merchants, but also by ambassadors from Muslim countries, theologians and travelers. They brought new ideas, customs, and customs, and encouraged the population, especially the upper layer of local society, to adopt and accept much of the court life of the Istanbul, Isfahan, and Delhi courts.

Islam has come to define the character of Aceh society to a greater extent than in other parts of Nusantara. It was thanks to Aceh that Islam became an integral part of" Malay identity", i.e. those ethnic groups that went back to the times of Srivijaya and the Malacca Sultanate. In addition to trade, Aceh's connection with the Muslim world was also provided by pilgrims traveling from all of Nusantara to Arabia via Aceh. Many of them settled in Aceh upon their return, increasing the haji population here. The patronage of Islam was also explained by the political considerations of the Aceh sultans of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, who fought against the " infidels "(Portuguese), pagan Bataks and Niassians, and insufficiently zealous Muslims-Minangkabau. In addition, the sultans tried to limit the power of hereditary feudal chiefs in Aceh itself and vassal princes-rajas on the coast, using the introduction of Muslim law (hukum) instead of ordinary (adat) and raising the authority of the clergy as a representative of the central government.

Aceh played a significant role in the spread and victory of Islam in Nusantar: the culture of the coastal regions of North and East Sumatra, the Riau Lingga archipelago and the Malacca Peninsula emerged, connected by a common language (Malay) and religion; the subjects of Muslim myths, Arabic and Persian works were transferred to the local soil and included in the fund of local culture; thanks to the work of theologians and mystics who settled in Aceh, Nusantara became acquainted with the achievements of the Muslim world's thought.

The Malay language came to the fore as lingua franca, and accordingly literature in it took a leading position in the XV-XVII centuries. First the Arab-

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sko-written Malay prose was represented by translated Muslim novels. Then it included works that had previously existed in oral form, especially Malay knight-adventure stories [Parnikel, 1980, pp. 74-78]. After that, significant works in the field of theology and historical and legendary prose were created in Malay. In the 17th century, it was Ache that became the center of Malay language and literature, although Malay cultural traditions existed and developed in Riau, Palembang, and Brunei.3
At the end of the XVI - first half of the XVII century, a number of major religious, philosophical, historical and literary works were created in Aceh, which became famous far beyond the borders of the sultanate. In the 17th century, Sufism spread to Aceh, which had a huge impact on Aceh Islam and, through it, on Islam in other parts of Nusantara. Sufism, which came to Aceh from Arabia and India, found a lively response in the people, in which the Indo-Buddhist traditions were still alive. The cult of saints was especially ingrained in Aceh. Thus, one of the most important theologians and mystics of the seventeenth century, the Sumatran Abdurrauf of Singkel, a member of the Shattariya Sufi brotherhood (which he joined in Mecca), after his death turned into the venerated Aceh saint Teungku di Kuala [Schrieke, vol. 2, 1957, p. 247-248]. Sufi fraternities, especially the Qadiriya and Naqshbandi, were often joined by Aceh people who performed the Hajj. Upon their return, they spread the ideas of Sufism in Aceh and neighboring lands.

The first major Sufi author was Hamza Fansuri, who rose to the position of Sheikh al-Islam, the religious head of Aceh under Sultan Alauddin Ria-yat-Shah al-Mukamil, i.e. in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. A follower of Sufism of an extremely monistic persuasion, Hamza left three theological treatises-descriptions of mystical self-improvement and reflections on the existence and properties of God, but most of all he is known for his religious poems ("Shair about the fish", "Shair about the soul bird", "Shair about the assembly of dervishes"), which had a noticeable impact on the future the development of Malay poetry [Winstedt, 1966, pp. 114-137; Braginsky, 1988].

Hamza's opponent was Nuruddin Ali ar-Raniri, the scion of an Arab family from Gujarat, from where Nuruddin moved to Aceh via Hadramaut. He served as Sheikh al-Islam under Sultan Iskandar Thani and during the initial period of the reign of the latter's widow, Sultan Taj al-Alam Safiyat al-Din (1641-1675). Ar-Raniri left 29 works (in Malay), of which 14 were staffs-strictly orthodox manuals on the basics of the Muslim faith. Of his many works, the most significant is Bustan al - Salatin ("The Garden of Kings"), written in 1638 by order of his patron Iskandar Tani, an encyclopedic work that, in addition to the history of the universe and Muslim countries, also contains a story about the Muslim sovereigns of Malacca and Aceh. Ar-Raniri was a fierce opponent of the Sufis, and in his numerous treatises he denounced the identification of man and the universe with God and compared the pantheism of Hamza with the theories of Vedanta and the Tibetan Mahayana. Apparently, at his insistence, all the books of Hamza Fansuri were burned after the death of the Sultan of Aceh Iskandar Muda, who patronized the latter [Winstedt, 1966, p. 166-168].

The Sufi Bukhari ad-Jaukhari, who was originally from Johor, in 1603 created (not without the influence of Persian samples) the work "Taj as-salatin" ("Crown of Sovereigns"), which was devoted to the duties and rules of behavior of the ideal Muslim ruler, his court and the common people. Almost the main idea of the work that appeared in Aceh, which had a huge impact on the Malay-Muslim world of Nusantara, was that daulat, i.e. power, is above all else in this world

3 In the 17th century, during the era of Aceh's dominance in the" Malay " world, it was the Aceh form of Malay that was the most prestigious in the Archipelago. A theologian from Banjarmasin in Kalimantan, working on a Malay text from Aceh, noted that it contains too many "achenisms" [Andaya, 2008, p. 10].

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a just (adil) society cannot exist without the will and desire of the latter, no matter how tyrant and evil he may be, for the worst of all is anarchy. Taj al-Salatin became a kind of panegyric for Iskandar Muda, who came to power after five sultans were killed and the sixth was overthrown (Taufik, 1993, p. 46-48, 52).

The fourth of the famous Aceh scholars, Sheikh al-Islam in the era of Iskandar Muda, Shams al-Din al-Sumatrani of Pasey, created between 1613 and 1615 the historical and legendary " Tale of Aceh "("Hikayat Aceh"). This is a panegyric to Iskandar Muda, who appears as a direct descendant of Iskandar Zulkarnein (Iskandar the Two - Horned-Alexander the Great), who has supernatural abilities. The author made extensive use of the Tale of the Rajahs of Pasey, as well as the literary traditions of Persia and the Mughals [Djajadiningrat, 1911, biz. 179 - 180; Nieuwenhuize, 1945]. Describing the customs, ceremonial, and general life of the Aceh court, the author referred to the model of Muslim courts in India and other countries. "Hikayat Aceh" became a kind of sacred book and was used in the days when the "great sovereign" - Iskandar Muda-was remembered. The NOIC ambassador to Aceh reported to Batavia about his impression of the musical performance that the Sultana organized in honor of her father: "The songs of praise (from the text "Hikayat Aceh" - V. T.), which glorified the deeds of the Sultana's late father, so moved the nobles and other Acehans that they burst into tears " [Andaya, 2008, p. 127].

Abd ar-Rauf al-Singkili (16157 - 1693) was the last of the "great teachers" of Aceh in the 17th century. Born in Singkele in West Sumatra, he moved to Aceh, where he went on the Hajj in 1642 and stayed in the Islamic countries for 19 years, studying with various religious authorities. When he returned, Sultana Safiyat al-Din made him Qadi Malik al-Adil, the supreme judge of the Sultanate, and he remained so until his death. Among his numerous works on Muslim law, Islamic traditions, the justification of the existence of a single God, and Sufi mysticism, the treatise Mirat al-Tulab (Mirror of Seekers), written in 1663, stands out as a kind of compendium on various aspects of the religious life of Aceh and a manual on the duties of the supreme judge. He was the first among the inhabitants of Nusantara to write interpretations (tafsirs) Qur'anic texts that were widely disseminated and had a major impact on the theological thought of Nusantara [Azra, 2004, p. 77-80].

The distinctive feature of Aceh literary works (in Malay) in comparison with other Malay-language works created at the courts of Nusantara at that time is not only their abundance, but also their emphasis on Islamic themes and the use of plots and techniques that circulated in the largest Muslim centers of India, the Middle East and the Middle East. All these works bear traces of the influence of Persian and Arabic Islamic literature, which is reflected even in the titles.: "The Mirror of sovereigns", "The Garden of kings". The Malay-Islamic literature of the Aceh of the 17th century contributed to the consolidation of Islam as the most important component of Malay identity. This combination of Islam and "Malay" was also reinforced by the selective adaptation of the palace and administrative practices of the great Muslim empires to Aceh life.

While the courts of the Malacca Sultanate and its successor, the Johor Riau Sultanate, were dominated by a synthesized culture of animistic, Hindu-Buddhist, and Islamic beliefs (Winstedt, 1961), the Aceh court of the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries relied on Islam. This not only manifested itself in the development of Islamic literature, but also affected the organization of government and court orders. Thus, the position of Sheikh al-Islam appeared in Aceh (clearly modeled on the Ottoman Empire) as a spiritual mentor and closest adviser to the ruler. All Aceh

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The sheikhs of al-Islam in the 17th century4 had considerable influence, engaging in religious affairs, administration, and international trade as the main advisers to the sultans [Nieuwenhuize, 1945, pp. 360-361; Azra, 2004, pp. 57-59]. The Aceh court widely attracted Malays of the Peninsula, Indian Muslims, and even Europeans, who received honorary titles and titles depending on the type of activity (mainly commercial or military) [Andaya Barbara, 1978, p. 14-15]. Unlike in Malacca and Johor, the first minister in Aceh was a cleric. Some authors [Andaya, 2001, p. 52-54] believe that the traditional Malay sultanate model of having four top dignitaries at the head of the state dates back to the Mughal Empire's governance structure, which was adopted by the sultans of Aceh. It is possible that the example of the Ottoman and Mughal Empires was the basis of the administrative reform of Iskandar Muda, which divided the territory of the state into mukims headed by imams appointed by the central government and who were supposed to be religious mentors of the population. Along with the imams, however, ulubalangs continued to exist (acehsk. oleebalang) - the hereditary adate nobility, descended from the military leaders of tribal confederations, which by the 17th century had become sovereign feudal lords [Tyurin, 1970, pp. 29-30]. In the vassal states of Pidi, Pasei, Daya and the pepper-producing areas of West Sumatra (Barus, Pasaman, Tiku, Pariaman, Padang, Indrapura), governors (panglims) were sent from the center.

A significant role in the Aceh court was played by scribes, called by the Persian term karkon; the chief scribe bore a mixed Malay-Persian title-panglima karkon. In the 17th century, these officials, who were responsible for the treasury, accounting for goods and gifts of foreign merchants, were mostly eunuchs, as in the Ottoman Empire (Ramli and Tjut Rahma, 1985, hal. 99). In Aceh, written orders and orders with a mandatory seal were widely used along the lines of the firmans, the sovereign's edicts in the Islamic empires. They were divided into sarakats( or tarakats), which had to be executed until they were canceled by the central government, and ceuteumi - orders for a specific case. All these letters were sent to the sultanate and vassal territories by messengers - young courtiers (bujang) [Andaya, 2008, p. 132-133].

Although harems had long existed in the courts of Nusantara, in Aceh the female part of the palace with eunuchs was incomparable in number with other local sultanates. It seems that the influence of Muslim empires played a decisive role in this. Thus, the English navigator Thomas Bowrey, who visited Aceh in the second half of the seventeenth century, reported that the Sultan's palace contained one hundred eunuchs and one thousand women (Bowrey, 1905, p. 310). The harem was preserved even in the reign of sultans. Most of the women were servants, but a significant proportion were also women from the noble families of Ulubalang and Panglim and the daughters of vassal princes, and their stay in the harem was a sign of the relationship between the sultans and the nobility.

And the position of eunuchs in Aceh was similar to the traditions of the Islamic empires of India and the Middle East. The term sida-sida, which is usually translated as "eunuch", in the Malacca Sultanate and other states of Malaya (for example, in Perak) did not necessarily refer to eunuchs, but denoted palace servants, messengers, etc. [Abdul Samad, 1979, hal. 71; Raja Chulan, 1992, hal. 89]. In Aceh, the Sida-sida, being eunuchs, served as bodyguards, advisers, ambassadors, and had exclusive access to the ruler [Alves, 1990, p. 103]. Thomas Bowrey described a solemn sultan's exit, in which eunuchs took pride of place [Bowrey, 1905, p. 325-326]. Dutch sources have noted that in the middle of the 17th century, the eunuch

4 The first Sheikh of al-Islam in Aceh was Hamza Fansuri, who held this post in the late 16th century under Sultan Alauddin al-Muqamil. Under Iskander Thani, this position was held by Shams ad-Din, under Iskander Thani - Nuruddin ar-Raniri, and under Sultana Safiyat ad-Din - Sayful-Rijal and Abd ar-Rauf alternately.

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Raja Adona Lela was considered equal to four ministers, the head of the eunuchs bore the noble title of Maharaja setia, and another sida-sida was the treasurer of the sultana. The large number of eunuchs in Aceh and their use in important government positions - a new phenomenon in the Malay world - was very likely due to the influence of the Mughal Empire and, to an even greater extent, to the practice of the Ottoman Empire.

The Ottoman influence on the Aceh ceremonial was clearly felt in the character of Iskandar Muda's grand entrance, which an Aceh source compared to the processions of Suleiman the Magnificent. The Sultan marched under umbrellas and banners, followed by Turkish-clad soldiers armed with swords, spears and muskets, some carrying Khorasan shields. The source compared Iskandar Muda's piety to Sultan Suleiman's zeal for Islam [Ramli and Tjut Rahma, 1985, hal. 45, 51].

Another distinctive feature of Aceh in comparison with other Malay states - the use of elephants and horses in the ceremonial exits of sultans-bears clear traces of Mughal and Turkish influences. The Dutch ambassador reported in 1640 to Batavia about the greatness of Iskandar Tani, who felt like the master of the universe, having a white elephant, as well as numerous elephants of other colors, to whom "the Lord gave so many fabrics decorated with precious stones for these elephants, and hundreds more elephants for war ... and also many hundreds of horses" (cit. by: [Reid, 1989, p. 27]). Sultana Safiyat ad-Din, in a letter to the Sultan of Perak, called herself "the mistress of elephants of all kinds and colors", and also reported that " thanks to the grace of Allah, she owns many horses from Arabia, Turkey... Tartary... Lahore... " (cit. by: [Andaya, 2008, p. 136]). Hikayat Aceh describes a special ceremony involving many Arab, Iraqi, and Turkish horses under saddles and blankets encrusted with jewels (Hikayat Atjeh, 1958, hal. 40).

The desire for centralization, the codification of state ceremonies associated with Muslim holidays, and the desire to build the management and life of the court according to Islamic standards are undoubtedly associated with external influences, primarily the Mughal Empire (see [Schrieke, vol. 2, 1957, p. 230-267]). For almost two hundred years, Aceh dominated the states of Sumatra and Malaya and played a crucial role in the establishment of Islam in the life of local society, especially its upper stratum. The Aceh model was adopted in Kedah on the Malacca Peninsula, on the northeast and northwest coasts of Sumatra; Perak and Pahang were long vassals of the Aceh sultans. Until the end of the seventeenth century, Aceh was a center of religious knowledge and learning, supported by Muslim theological and historical works written in Malay or translated into Malay from Arabic and Persian.

THE DECLINE OF ACEH AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF ISLAMIC INSTITUTIONS

From the second half of the 17th century, the decline of Aceh began. The prosperity and decline of Negar Nusantara largely depended on the foreign policy (and foreign trade) environment. Negara Ache, which emerged as a conglomerate of loosely connected territories that preserved their statehood and social structure, was not strong enough, despite the attempts of strong rulers in the first half of the 17th century to centralize the system of government. Like all such formations, it largely owed its prosperity to the favorable external environment. With the change in this situation, the decline of Aceh also began.

In 1641, the Dutch replaced the Portuguese in Malacca. The hopes of local sovereigns to get rid of the trade monopoly were not justified: the powerful NOIC exercised this monopoly even more effectively than the Portuguese. Seeing Aceh as the main rival in the Strait of Malacca, the NOIC entered into a struggle with the sultanate. First she

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It undermined the influence of Aceh in the principalities of Western Malaya, the centers of tin mining [Winstedt, 1935, p. 132]. In the 60s of the 17th century, the Dutch struck Aceh even harder. In 1662, they concluded the Paynan Treaty with a number of Minangkabau Rajas of West Sumatra, under which they received a monopoly on pepper purchases and were exempt from duties [Gerlah, 1873, p. 46]. The fall of the vassals, the decline of trade, and the decline in income immediately caused complications in Aceh. Weak rulers of the second half of the 17th century failed to cope with the separatism of not only the vassals of the coast, but also the Ulubalang lords in Aceh proper, who, having lost their income from trade and participation in military campaigns, sought to compensate for the losses by increasing pressure on the peasantry of their possessions.

In the last quarter of the 17th century, the rise of the rival Sultanate of Johor Riau, which became the main trading center in the Strait of Malacca, began. At the beginning of the 18th century, Palembang became the center of development of Malay religious and secular literature (Parnikel, 1980, pp. 181-182). Since the end of the 17th century, civil strife has not subsided in Aceh. In 1699, the sultaness Kamalat Shah Ziyatuddin was deposed and the Arab Badr al-Alam became sultan in 1703 [Banck, 1873, p. 44]. The Arab dynasty in 1729, after an internecine war, gave way to the dynasty founded by the Bug leader (many Bugis, after the Dutch undermined their rule in Sulawesi in the XVII century, dispersed over the Archipelago and Peninsula, carving out their own possessions), who became sultan under the name of Alauddin Ahmet Shah. Civil strife continued under the new dynasty. Each of the three confederations (sagas) of Aceh proper supported its own candidate, and in the 60 - 70s of the XVIII century there were three sultans in Aceh at once [Tyurin, 1970, p. 20].

The Sultan's court lost its luster, and the opportunities that allowed it to be maintained as before disappeared: with numerous courtiers, eunuchs, elephants and horses. The fall of Aceh as a commercial center contributed to the shift of the center of gravity to the interior, where the hereditary nobility played a decisive role. Attempts to centralize and unify management were short-lived and unsuccessful. Already in the second half of the 17th century, the imams (Acehs. imeum) - the heads of mukims, into which Iskandar Muda divided the Great Ache (Ache proper), began to lose the functions of religious mentors and began to turn into hereditary lords of the mukims, and the latter - to transform into territorial feudal possessions. Well-known researcher Aceh K. Snouck Hurgronje believed that by the 19th century the imams had become "little Ulubalangs" [Snouck Hurgronje, vol. I, 1906, p. 84]. In the eighteenth-century Aceh heroic poem Hikayat Pochut Muhamat, we find imams who act as military leaders in their mukims; in this poem, imams are lords like the Ulubalangs, whose authority was not recognized by all the imams formally dependent on them [Snouck Hurgronje, vol. II, 1906, p. 92 - 97].

The transformation of the position of imams is a typical example of the absorption of new institutions by the traditional forms of the seaside world, which were established only after finding a place in the existing structure. The religious institution, created with the aim of political and ideological consolidation of the sultanate in the era of the rise of central power, turned into an adat (traditional) body that has nothing to do with religion and centralization. The relationship of the imam with the superior ruler-ulubalang-depended on the specific balance of power. As a rule, imams recognized the supremacy of "their" ulubalang, took its side in civil strife, and transferred to it a part of the court fees and trade duties. But often the imam sought to become an independent ruler of Ulubalang. The transformation of the sultan's officials and supreme clerics into lordly feudal lords took place even in the Sultan's domain - Dalam. The main territory of Dalam by the middle of the XIX century. it no longer belonged to the sultans. It was owned by Teuku Panglima Mesjid Raya, whose title ("Vicar of the Main Mosque") indicates the once-existing connection of its bearer with spiritual duties in the central administration of the sultanate. Under Sultan Alauddin

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In the 1930s, the villages of Dalama on the right bank of the Aceh River passed to Ulubalang Teuk Kali Malik Kamil, whose ancestors in the 17th century had a spiritual (teungku), not a secular (teuku) title and were supreme judges with knowledge of sharia [Tyurin, 1970, pp. 37-38].

A clear indication of the shift of the center of gravity from the coast to the interior is contained in Hikayat Pochut Muhamat ("The Tale of Pochut Muhamat"), written, by the way, not in Malay-the language of the coast, but in Aceh - the language of the interior of the country: "The trade does not bring significant profit, even if you, my friends, grow pepper. If there is no rice in a country, there is nothing of value in it... The entire population will leave such a country, leaving only the ruler and his relatives. But if the country becomes empty, who will we run? I assure you that farming is the best of all activities" [Hikajat Pochut Muhamat ... 1978, hal. 167, 169].

It is significant that already at the end of the 17th century, the heroic epic poem Hikayat Malem Dagang ("The Tale of Malem Dagang") praises not the sultan, but one of his military leaders and tells not about the life of the court and courtiers - in the center are ordinary people living far from the capital. And instead of praising the sultan, to whom everyone is bound to obey implicitly, the "Story" focuses on the suffering of the population, which is subjected to severe extortion by the court, especially during the war. Another central theme of this story is the Aceh people's commitment to Islam, with the Ulama, not the Sultan, playing a crucial role in this. The main role in the campaign against Johor is assigned in the poem not to Sultan Iskandar Muda, but to Ulama Ja Pakeh, who makes Malem Dagang commander of the Aceh fleet and to whom the sultan completely entrusts the leadership of the expedition [Hikajat Malem Dagang, 1937, biz. 78 - 79, 91 - 92]. In Hikayat Pochut Mukhamat, these trends are even more pronounced. Pochut Muhamat himself tells Raja Pidi that " the most famous person in Aceh is Panglima Polim (the head of the saga in the inner, mountainous part of Aceh. - V. T.), who overthrows the sultans and puts them on the throne" [Hikajat Pochut Muhamat..., 1978, hal. 163].

Despite attempts (to a certain extent successful) to become not just another negara of Nusantara, but the state of Islam (emphasis added).) on the periphery of the Muslim world, in which relations with the great Islamic empires of the XVI-XVII centuries played a significant role, Aceh never became one. Many reasons prevented this: the strengthening of the European presence in the Strait of Malacca, rivalry with Johor-Riau, the emergence of the Bug, the weakening of the Mughal and Safavid Empires, etc., but the main thing, in my opinion, was the internal structure of Aceh itself. The sultanate did not connect the maritime territories with the interior, and the splendor of the court, the presence of Muslim scholars, the spread of the Malay language-linga franca of Nusantara-all remained on the coast, over which the Aceh sultans quickly began to lose control in the turbulent eighteenth century. Great (or Big) Aceh-the main region of the country along the river Aceh-the capital Dalam ceased to be witnesses of magnificent ceremonies, the palace was depopulated, messengers with orders from weak sultans did not rush in all directions. Aceh became more agrarian and isolated, the Aceh language gained an advantage over Malay even at court, and the powerful Ulubalangs and imams paid little attention to the impotent sultans, rather listening to the panglims of the three sagas - the true arbiters of the country's fate. It is true that Islam has taken much deeper roots in Aceh than in any other part of Nusantara: close contact with the Muslim world has not been in vain. In the context of the loss of trade opportunities and separatism of the Ulubalangs, a heterogeneous mass of people associated with the Muslim religion, colloquially called Ulams5, in whose hands education was located,

5 They all bore the title of teungku, which could cover a simple village shaman, a judge, a" descendant of the Prophet", or a wandering teacher. Ulams, in the exact sense of Aceh, were considered people who knew Arabic well and had achieved perfection in their knowledge of religious doctrine and Muslim law [Snouck Hurgronje, vol. II, 1906, p. 5 - 7].

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It has become the cementing force of Aceh society. Thanks to this, the Sultanate retained the position of the most "Islamic" region of Nusantara, which was especially pronounced during the Aceh War (1873-1913), the struggle for independence against the Dutch colonialists and in the post - war period, during the Republic era.

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BKI - Bijdragen tot de taal-, land - en volkenkunde, unigegeven door Koninklijk Instituut voor de taal-, land -en volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indiё. Amsterdam-'s-Gravenhage.

JMBRAS - Journal of the Malayan/Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. L. -Singapore.

MIS - Malayan and Indonesian Studies / Ed. John Bastin and R. Roolvink. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964.

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