Personal files of people connected with the formation and activity of the first communist organizations in the Arab world region - the Egyptian Communist Party was one of them - are now kept in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI). Until recently, these materials were not available to researchers and remained, in fact,"closed". This implies at least two significant circumstances. The first is that the unavailability of the personal files of Egyptian supporters of the Comintern made it impossible to create - which is an important scientific task in itself-a complete picture of the development of the local communist movement, although the context and general contours of its formation are known. The second circumstance follows from the recent "closure" of the personal files of Egyptian communists and is divided into two components. The first of them is connected with Soviet geopolitical aspirations, the realization of which was, of course, unthinkable without finding those groups of political action in Egypt itself, relying on which would contribute to the success of these aspirations. No less significant is the second element - the Soviet contractors themselves in Egypt. Were they just" workers 'and peasants '"satellites of Moscow, blindly pursuing a policy of inciting "class antagonisms"? Or, in the end, was it an independent but "small" force that sought the assistance of a country that claimed to be a great power in order to solve its own problems?

The uprising of 1919 changed the principles of relations between Egypt and Great Britain - the country was rapidly moving towards gaining the status of a subject of international relations .1 The period of establishment of the institutions of an independent state, which lasted from 1922 to early 1924, was also a time of erosion of the former forms of national unity. The spectrum of political forces emerging in the country, which saw themselves as an alternative to the supporters of the Wafd party led by S. Zaghlul, also included the left wing. It was only natural. By that time, the Egyptian socialist tradition had become an integral part not only of the national discourse, but also of the political practice based on it.

In 1921, through the efforts of some former supporters of the National (Watanist) Party operating in Alexandria, adherents of the socialist idea in the ranks of non-national communities of Egypt, concentrated in the same port city, and, finally, members of the Cairo Socialist circle, the Socialist Party of Egypt was created .2 "The motivation and initial positions of the movement of each of the groups that made up this party were, however, different. The Socialist Party emerged as an ordinary conglomerate organization for those years (and in many ways for the subsequent period). Moreover, existing inside it already in the mo-

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mental fault lines tended to deepen. Perhaps the most significant of them was the gap between the" soil-based " socialism of the Cairetz S. Musa and the aspirations of his formal associates from Alexandria, who openly demanded to establish relations with Moscow. In 1922, Husni al-Orabi, a representative of the Egyptian Socialists, 3 took part in the Fourth Congress of the Comintern. In January 1923, the Alexandria section of the Socialist Party, which controlled the previously established General Confederation of Workers of Egypt (CGTE), officially declared itself the Egyptian Communist Party ( ECP), a section of the Communist International. X became its General Secretary. al-Orabi. The party grew rapidly. By the beginning of 1924, it had at least 700 activists and was becoming the second largest Communist organization in the East (after the Communist Party of China) .4 But already in late February and early March of the same year, the Wafdist authorities subjected the ETUC to a rout. The reason for this was the seizure by workers of several factories in Alexandria initiated by the Communists (the center of the protests was the Egolin oil mill) .5 The party never recovered from the consequences of this defeat.

Perhaps the most important reason that accelerated the collapse of the conglomerate party was the policy of Moscow, which sought to become a new world "center of power". Reporting (in 1921) on the emergence of the Socialist Party of Egypt, A. Krauss, a resident of Soviet intelligence in Cairo, wrote that most of its members "were far from communists and did not even know the alphabet (le premier mot) of Marxist theory." But what was more important was that he considered the party something like a tabula rasa, since "it does not belong to the second or second and a half Internationals." It followed that it should be used "as an instrument of possible action in Egypt" 7, especially since the two countries were not bound by interstate relations. This message was sent to the Executive Committee of the Comintern (ECCI). There, by the time H. al-Orabi arrived in Moscow, "Theses on the program and tactics of the Communist Party of Egypt" were prepared, the author of which was an orientalist, at that time an employee of the Eastern department of the ICCI K. M. Troyanovsky. Some of its provisions are worth quoting.

K. M. Troyanovsky wrote that in Egypt "a base is being created for communist work not only in the Arab world, but also in the entire Middle East, ... along the entire southern and southeastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea." He considered this circumstance of principle, since "the country is important for English capitalism", since it is located "at the crossroads of the main sea routes connecting ... the western part of the British Empire (mother country) with the eastern (India)". The author of Theses went on: "To separate the brain from the vertebra of the empire, it is necessary to cut this 'occipital nerve', which Egypt is for British imperialism." His proposed operation would have resulted in "the breaking of the British Empire in two, and at the same time the disintegration of the Empire." 8 However, the same thoughts (naturally, in a milder form) were repeated in the report of the commission established by the Fourth Congress of the Comintern to discuss relations with the Egyptian socialists, where it was emphasized that Egypt is important for the development of the revolutionary process in the Middle East. It referred to the high level of development in Egypt of the anti-English movement, in whose ranks "communists and revolutionary workers" are playing an increasingly active role, advocating for their country to gain "genuine, not nominal independence".

From this it followed that the Alexandria faction of the Egyptian socialists represented by H. al-Orabi was nothing more than "a significant revolutionary movement that is in full agreement with the general movement of the Communist International." 8 The idea of A. Kraus was entering the stage of its practical implementation.

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In Moscow, no one was interested in the level of Marxist training of those who joined the ranks of the new section of the Comintern.

So who in Egypt became - in the light of the above-the mainstay of Soviet geopolitics?

1. SELECTING GROUP PORTRAIT PROTOTYPES

It would seem that it is easy to find the answer to this question if you have access to the relevant materials of the RSPI. But immediately there is a problem of their verification.

Already in the 1920s, the internal security services of the Comintern were faced with the need to find out whether people who arrived in Moscow from Egypt and claimed to be activists of the ETUC were real members of the party. It was not only about the inevitable verification of the information provided by these people. Its results became the basis for obtaining the right to Soviet citizenship, providing them with assistance in obtaining housing and employment. The same check could give them the opportunity to join the ruling party (this was not secondary at that time), determining the party experience taking into account the period of stay in the communist organization of Egypt. Today, a far-from-partisan review of many personal files shows that too often those who came to the Soviet Union calling themselves Communists and seeking assistance from the ECCI did so not for ideological reasons at all. They took advantage of his employees ' poor knowledge of the situation in the region, and this was also possible because these employees were supposed to look at the situation in the world only through the prism of the "class struggle". Those who called themselves communists often simply could not find themselves (for various reasons) in a country where they allegedly became " fighters for proletarian ideals." Domestic disorder, material difficulties, moral dissatisfaction-all this more often than "political persecution" became the reason for moving to the country of the "victorious proletariat".

Familiarity with the personal files held in the RGASPI does not at all convince us that all these people were really members of the Egyptian Communist Party. But the desired prototypes can nevertheless be determined quite accurately if we refer to the personal files of those who came to Moscow as students of the Comintern's educational institutions - the Communist University of the Workers of the East (KUTV) and the International Lenin School (ILSH). In their case, belonging to the Egyptian communist movement does not require any serious evidence. They arrived in the Soviet capital under quotas provided by the ECCI, and on the direction of the ETUC or other Middle Eastern communist parties. As applied to them, we were talking about ordinary members of the communist organization, whose views inevitably contained the whole gamut of possible human ideas, in no way reducible to the ideas of Bolshevism alone. A look at this organization from the inside, through the fate of the listeners it sent to Moscow, where politics became the main sphere of their interests, will probably help to understand what the party looked like, which was built on the basis of the slogans of "proletarian internationalism" and "solidarity of workers", which were seemingly close to all its supporters.

The group of Egyptian Communists who studied in Moscow in the 1920s and 1930s consisted of no more than 21 people. This quantitative indicator should still be immediately linked to several qualitative parameters. The first of them is the multi - ethnic nature of the reference group, which reflects the existence in Egypt (as in all countries of the Middle East region), of the three main nationally colored political sources of local sections of the Comintern. They were created within the borders of the Russian Empire and transferred to Palestine, partly to the United States.

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Egypt, the party structures of Poaley-Zion 10, the Armenian Hunchakists 11, and, finally, the political formations of Arab (Egyptian - in our case) nationalists.

The nationally nuanced aspect of the ETUC's existence was determined by two waves of Egyptians arriving in Moscow. If the former consisted of those who arrived in the Soviet Union before the first defeat of the Communist Party in 1924, the latter consisted of those who arrived in subsequent years. The first wave sometimes differed significantly from the second, not only in terms of the level of education of those who were part of it, and their general culture, but also the social and national origin of the arrivals. Even if we were talking only about representatives of the national and confessional majority, they also (which was true for both waves of Egyptian listeners) represented different generations of people, whose change within the Communist party itself did not take place evolutionarily, which was also due, among other things, to the periodic blows from the state. The geography of their origin has also changed. Both the centers of the Egyptian communist movement and the people, their views and understanding of the essence of the party itself, changed.

It would be worthwhile to re-raise the question that has already arisen, making the necessary amendments to it: is it possible to create a group portrait of the first Egyptian communists? Will it be clear or blurry, or will it be replaced by a lot of portraits that are not connected to each other in any way, and the gallery consisting of them will seem artificial? But, in the end, the answer received will depend, at least partially, on the understanding of the main thing - what remained out of sight of those who contributed to the formation of the Soviet Middle East course in the 1920s and 1930s, when they found the necessary tool for carrying out this course in Egypt?

2. EGYPTIAN LISTENERS IN MOSCOW: GROUP AND PARTY

So, 21 Egyptian students 12 were in Moscow during 1922-1936. The first wave of these students, whose representatives joined the ETUC before the first catastrophe that befell the party, is less significant than the second wave, which joined the ETUC after 1924 - 7 and 14 people, respectively. Most likely, the first Egyptian communists to come to study in the Soviet Union were Charlotte Rosenthal [13] and Moses Spector [14] (each of them studied at KUTV, respectively, in 1922-1924 and from March to September 1922). In addition to them, this first wave included Mohammed Ahmed Sayyid (Hamdi Salam [15]) 16, who was a student of KUTV in 1924-1925. Amin Yahya 17-in 1923-1925, Hassoun Hussein 18 and Abdul Rahman Fadl 19 - in 1924-1927. Finally, it was attended by Mohammed Abdel Aziz (Azis) 20, who was in KUTV in 1924-1927.

Indeed, the second wave of Egyptian listeners in Moscow appears to be more significant in terms of numbers. On the one hand, it seems clear and understandable. Before 1924, the ETUC was still in the process of developing itself, and its leaders had to make sure that the activists who went to Moscow as a party would actually be able to study there, and after their return they would benefit from it. In other words, representatives of the first wave were subject to more stringent selection criteria, although a careful reading of their personal files does not prove this at all. At the same time, a study of the cases of the Communists of the second wave suggests that their real number was less.

For example, can Muhammad Omar (Mogamed Omarov) be considered a member of the ETUC? Yes, he was an Egyptian by birth, and it appears from his personal file that he was born in 1884 in Cairo, where he became a circus performer. But from the same personal file, it is clear that at least a few years before the outbreak of the First World War, he ended up in Europe, where his last place of work was Budapest.

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He came to Russia "before 1914", during the Civil War he joined the Red Army, where during 1918 - 1925 he was engaged in "administrative and economic work", and in 1919 he joined the RCP (b). In 1925, he was unexpectedly and urgently recalled from Tiflis (Tbilisi) to the Soviet Union. He studied at KUTV, and in 1928 was sent to Egypt 21 .

Is it worth considering as an Egyptian communist another representative of the same second wave of students - Mahri Aziz Abdel Malek Neyrouz (Jacques Lenoir), who studied at KUTV from 1933 to 1935? He, like M. Omar, was an Egyptian. His personal file records that he was born in 1905 in Tanta and was the son of a "landowner's accountant". In 1928, M. A. Neyrouz was forced to go to work in Beirut, where three years later he joined the Syrian Communist Party [22] and was sent to Moscow under its quota in 1933 [23]. In 1936, however, he represented the ETUC at the Seventh Congress of the Comintern .24

Both of these personal cases are interesting in the context of the fate of the ETUC and the methods of operation of the ICCI. But, however, the number of those who actually represented the second wave of members of the Egyptian Communist Party in Moscow should be reduced to twelve listeners. Neither M. Omar nor M. A. Neyrouz can be considered as members of the Egyptian communist movement, even if they went to Egypt after the QUTV. They were communists, but only communists of Egyptian origin who had started out in other sections of the Comintern.

The second wave of ECP members included Shlyal Davidovich Zandberg (Galyal) 25, who became a student of KUTV in 1924, and Muhammad Hassan (Fahmi Said) 26, who studied there in 1925-1926. During 1927-1929, Abdel Aziz Mohammed Marey (Sergeyev Azis Mohammed) was stationed at the KUTV .27 Hafez Sha'ban (Joseph Hamdan) 28 in 1931-1932, he began his studies at the MLSH, and then, in 1933-1934, continued his education at the KUTV. In addition to them, it included Abdel Magid Fattah (Tantov) 29, who was engaged in KUTV in 1928-1930, and Mahmoud (Mohammed) Mustafa Dueydar (Zhan Ivanovich Nemirov), who started out with A. M. Fattah and returned to this educational institution in 1932. These include Zhirayr Yevgenyan (Karo) 30, who studied at KUTV in 1927-1930, Ali Hasan Huseyn (Saidov) 30, who was there from 1930 to 1933. Diran Garabedovich Voskerichyan (Alexander Sergey Vasilyevich) 32 - in 1931-1932 and, again, in 1933-1936, as well as Hayk Davydovich Depir 33 - in 1932-1934. The second wave of Egyptian students also included Mihran Masmanyan (Rashidov) 34 and his wife Manushak Masmanyan (Zakia Rashidova) 35, who studied at KUTV in 1930-1932 and 1932-1933, respectively. Among the representatives of this wave, representatives of the new generation of Communists predominated, those who joined the Communist Party after 1924. But among them were Sh. D. Zandberg, M. Hasan and Kh. Sha'ban, who became supporters of the ETUC earlier than their comrades.

But even if we assume that the total number of Egyptians who studied at Comintern educational institutions in Moscow is 21, we must admit that for such a significant time period - 1920 - 1930-In the early 1990s, there were few participants, although the annual quota for ETUC was six trainees .36 Moreover, after 1933, no Egyptian came to KUTV or any other educational institution of the Comintern, either under the quota of the ETUC or from any other Communist Party in the Middle East.

Both waves of listeners from Egypt who were in QUTV were multi-ethnic. If in the case of the first wave we were talking about a significant proportion of Jews in its composition-two out of six (Sh. Rosenthal and M. Spector), then in the case of the second-about a large stratum of Armenians (Zh. Yevgenyan, D. G. Voskerichyan, G. D. Depir and their spouses Mihran and Manushak Masmanyan) are five out of twelve people. The second wave included a Jew, Sh. D. Zandberg. It would seem that this confirms the well-known conclusion about the significant contribution of representatives of local non-ethnic minorities to the formation of the Egyptian communist movement. Moreover, such a large number of immigrants

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among the national minorities in the second wave of Egyptian students of the KUTV (after 1924, a significant proportion of ETUC members were also Greeks, who were not represented in the reference group), it was clear that after its first defeat, the Communist Party gradually turned into an organization in which the presence of Autochthons was minimal. The timing of the arrival of listeners from Egypt to KUTV became an obvious proof of this. However, the details associated with this conclusion are more important here.

S. Rosenthal, entering KUTV, reported that she was born in Alexandria. According to her, her parents, as well as their parents, were natives of Palestine, 37 from where her father moved to Alexandria around 1897 and became an Egyptian subject. She was also an Egyptian citizen, but, in fact, S. Rosenthal mostly belonged not to the traditional Jewish minority in the country, but to the multinational colony of foreigners, which in those years, and in many ways later, was an integral feature of cosmopolitan Alexandria. In turn, M. Spector can by no means be considered a native of the same Egyptian Jewish minority. He was born in 1891 in Berdichev, joined the British army as a volunteer in 1916, and in 1918, together with its advanced detachments, arrived from Egypt to Palestine .38 In 1921, M. Spector joined a small group of left-wing poalizionists who created the Socialist Workers ' Party of Palestine, which actively tried to establish relations with the Comintern. In the same year, on his initiative, the Palestinian Garment Workers ' Union was created (M. Spector was a professional tailor), which built its activities on an international Jewish-Arab basis. After moving to Egypt in 1921, he became a member of the ETUC39 . This was equally true of S. D. Sandberg, who was born in 1903 in Novo-Radomsk (Russian Kingdom of Poland). His father was a small merchant who did everything possible to ensure that his son received a secondary education. In 1917, S. D. Zandberg graduated from the gymnasium, where he became a member of the" social-democratic youth Union " (by the way, he called Polish not Yiddish as his native language), and then acquired the profession of an instrument maker. But the development of events in independent Poland aroused national feelings in him - in 1918, he became a Poalizionist and arrived in Palestine. S. D. Zandberg's subsequent life is similar to that of M. Spector: in 1923, he moved to Egypt and joined the ECP. S. D. Zandberg's activity developed in Alexandria, where he became a worker at the Egolin factory and headed the creamers ' trade union, which he represented in the leadership of the VKTE. After a brief arrest, he was exiled to the Soviet Union.

This was equally true for the Armenian listeners from Egypt, although their life paths were different.

D. G. Voskerichyan was born in 1911 in Diyarbakir (Turkish Western Armenia) in the family of a craftsman. After losing his parents in 1915, he ended up in Syria, where he was brought up in an orphanage for Armenian orphans, then moved to Cairo in search of work, became a typesetter and took Egyptian citizenship. In 1928 D. G. Voskerichyan joined the ECP and from 1930 to 1931 was a member of its Central Committee. Zh. Yevgenyan and G. D. Depir were natives and citizens of Egypt , the former was born in 1902 in Alexandria, the latter in 1909 in Cairo. But the parents of Zh. Yevgenyan was originally from Smyrna (Izmir), where his father had already taken his family in 1910. Until 1916, Zh. Yevgenyan studied at the Armenian school of this city, later he worked at the "metallurgical plant" there, and in 1922 he returned to Egypt. According to Zh. ' s personal file. He became a photographer in Alexandria, was a member of the local organization of the Hunchak party, and in 1926 created an Armenian communist group that called itself the "Society for Assistance to Soviet Armenia" and two years later joined the ETUC. In turn, G. D. Depir's mother, as well as his stepfather, were not natives of Egypt (his father was an Egyptian of Coptic origin). G. D. himself Depir studied at the Cairo Armenian and then American school, and after graduating from it worked as a "handicraft tailor". In 1928, he joined the ECP. Finally, both Mihran Masmanyan and Manushak Masmanyan reported that they were born "in Syria", respectively, in 1908 and 1909, were "workers" by origin (Manushak Masmanyan was a seamstress), received only a "lower" education, and arrived in Egypt at least after the events of 1924 G. Mihran Masmanyan joined the ETUC in 1924, and his wife-in 1928. He was exiled from Egypt in 1930, and she in 1931.

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As a matter of fact, among the Egyptian listeners of KUTV, there were no natives of the Egyptian Jews, as well as from the traditional Armenian community of that country and financially secure .40 And the autochthonous group of these listeners did not include a single Copt (all of them were Muslims), although in national terms, as evidenced by indirect data, it did not look homogeneous. According to A. R. Fadl, A. Yahya was a " Maghrebiy al-asl "("Moroccan "or" Maghrebin"), although he was sent to QUTW from Egypt .41

They were completely different people, whose membership in a single party structure - the ETUC - is sometimes conditional and not indisputable. But this is just a first and superficial impression. Nevertheless, it is reinforced by further analysis of the personal affairs of Egyptian communists, when the first impression associated with the convention of belonging of many Egyptian listeners to the ETUC, as, indeed, to Egypt, begins to be transferred to the organization that formally united these people. Was the Egyptian Communist Party a structure capable of ensuring the continuity of generations, uniting them into a single whole, in other words, constantly reproducing itself, despite, of course, the enormous difficulties of its development associated with the Egyptian internal political situation?

First of all, both waves of Egyptian trainees who came to QUTV were not internally stable in terms of their ability to continue participating in the ETUC's activities. Examples of this are numerous, moreover, they are diverse and, therefore, instructive. The point is that not all those who were trained in Moscow to continue the struggle for "proletarian ideals "were ready for it; they were sometimes far from being able to solve the problem of" socialist transformation " of their country. To be fair, however, it is worth noting that this was not always due solely to their own choice or desire.

3. THE FRAGILITY OF HUMAN DESTINIES AND THE FRAGILITY OF PARTY STRUCTURES

M. Hasan joined the ETUC in 1923, when the party was experiencing an era of unprecedented growth in its ranks. It was attended by people from the national majority, among whom, according to the well-known Middle Eastern agent of the Comintern, for many years the curator of the ETUC and, at the same time, the Soviet military intelligence officer A. M. Kosoy (Avigdor), "clerks who worked in various government agencies", teachers, lawyers, students, small merchants prevailed 42. Hassan wanted to become an artist, and apparently he was talented. Before joining the ETUC, he, the son of a railway employee, did not belong to any political party or movement. He probably couldn't get the desired education in independent Egypt. Moscow offered other opportunities. After starting at KUTV, he entered VKHUTEMAS a year later. He never returned to his homeland.

M. A. Said did not return to Egypt either. Like M. Hasan, he became a communist in 1923 in his native Alexandria, and described himself as "an intellectual of peasant origin." However, he received a secondary education and, in addition to Arabic, knew English and German. Before joining the Communist Party, during 1919 - 1922, he was a Watanist. After becoming a communist, M. A. Said was a member of the Central Committee of the VKTE in 1923-1924. He studied at the KUTV for only a year, was accused of nationalism and expelled from this educational institution. But there, in 1925, he joined the CPSU (b). It became impossible to return to his homeland - in Moscow, special services assumed that in Egypt he would "remain outside the party." There were precedents for this.

But not everything, as it turned out, was lost for M. A. Said - in 1926 he entered the "medical faculty of the 1st Moscow State University", graduated from it, married a fellow doctor, but retained Egyptian citizenship. The idea of returning to his homeland or simply leaving the country where he had become, in fact, a hostage, apparently did not leave him. But the preservation of citizenship was the reason for the expulsion of M. A. Said in 1935 from the CPSU (b). The denouement was approaching. Medical practice became impossible, and in 1938 he was accused of "having links with the ang-

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He was arrested and sentenced to five years in correctional labor camps. After some time, he died 42 .

A. M. Fattah, whose party career at first seemed to be developing quite successfully, also died in the Soviet Union. He was born in 1903 in Tanta in the family of a railway worker, received only a basic education, worked as a stoker in the depot of his native city, where in 1927 he joined the local cell of the ECP. In 1928, A. M. Fattah arrived in KUTV via Palestine, successfully graduated from this educational institution, was noticed as an active advocate of Arabization, and in January 1932 was sent to Egypt. It was assumed that he would be able to provide an objective report on the state of affairs in the local communist movement. The ICCI no longer trusted the reports of the Palestinian communists who had previously been in Egypt - V. Averbukh-Abuzyam, A. M. Kosoy and I. N. Teperashami. All of them had already been recalled to Moscow, where they admitted their mistakes, which were expressed in the fact that their Zionist past "did not allow" them to actively pursue the ECCI's line of "Arabization of Arab communist parties". The report of A. M. Fattah is kept in the RGASPI 44 . This is a small document, the author of which, as becomes clear when reading the text, sympathized with M. Abdel Aziz, who returned to Egypt in 1928 from KUTV, who headed the Cairo section of the ETUC and considered himself the general secretary of the party. In 1936, after the "exposure" of M. Abdel Aziz, who was accused of being an "agent of British intelligence", who was personally responsible for the "degradation" of the Egyptian communist movement, the position of A. M. Fattah became the reason for his arrest by the NKVD. The time of his death in one of the Soviet camps is unknown.

None of the Armenian students returned to Egypt, although for various reasons. G. D. Depir was expelled from the country by the Egyptian authorities and received Soviet citizenship in Moscow. After studying at KUTV, he was sent to Armenia, then summoned to Moscow, where he began working at the Institute of Oriental Studies. Getting acquainted with his personal file, it is impossible not to see that he was burdened by his stay in the Soviet Union (in Yerevan, using his main profession as a tailor, he tried to open his own workshop). A man who so clearly showed "private property aspirations", who married the daughter of a former merchant in the capital of Armenia, could not be used in party work. He was simply released - his wife, fortunately, had close relatives in France. In 1936, G. D. Depire left for Paris.

The fate of his comrade-J. Eugenyan was more tragic. In 1930, he was placed in a hospital for the mentally ill. The situation that prevailed in the Arab sector of KUT, where, under the slogans of "fighting against opponents of Arabization", there was a real harassment of teachers - Palestinian Jews and students of non-Arab origin, if they did not demonstrate their loyalty to this slogan, 45 was one of the reasons for his illness. In 1933," after being cured", he was sent to "permanent residence in Batum". D. G. Voskerichyan was also forced to interrupt his studies at KUTV, but he was expelled because, although he was a supporter of Arabization, he nevertheless showed "petty-bourgeois thinking". Like G. D. Depir, he spent a year in Armenia, where his "proletarian re-education" took place. In 1936, he was sent to France to work in a local Armenian colony. It was a strange business trip - "without communication" - D. G. Voskerichyan was not supposed to meet any of the French communists, he did not have any addresses necessary for the arrangement. He left, not knowing that he was going to be arrested.

The Masmanyan couple stayed in the Soviet capital. Mihran Masmanyan joined the CPSU (b) in 1931, but it seems that he was not credited with the length of service in the ECP. He became a worker in the construction of the metro. Manushak Masmanyan remained non-partisan and worked at the Cartoon factory. M. Spector, who was left in the Soviet Union, did not return to Egypt after the KUTV. In the end, after marrying A. M. Kosoy in 1928, Sh. also became a Soviet citizen. Rosenthal. Formally, she was associated with the ETUC 46 , but after moving to Moscow, where she began working in the KUTV, and joining the CPSU(b) 47, she naturally ceased to be its activist 48 . This was equally true of S. D. Sandberg. After graduating from KUTV in 1927, he was sent "to work in Turkmenistan", but in 1929 he was able to become a post-graduate student at KUTV, where after completing his post-graduate studies, he began working in the Arabic sector, since he reported that he knew Arabic. In 1936, S. D. Zandberg was arrested by the NKVD.

After returning from Moscow, the ECP was abandoned by the" merchant's son "A. Yahya, a former student of the" Arab gymnasium " in Alexandria (for a resident of this city, undoubtedly, an indicator of national identity), who became an accountant and in 1921 became close to local radical socialists. Humanly, his departure was understandable. An anti-communist atmosphere prevailed in the country.

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hysteria, and the former communist withdrew from the increasingly dangerous politics. Finally, A. R. Fadl was almost abandoned in Moscow, and a corresponding decision was made about him. After graduating from KUTV, he became a student of the "International Economics Department of Moscow State University", and after graduation he worked at the Moscow Institute of Local Lore. But in 1936, by a new decision of the Eastern department of the ECCI, he was sent to Egypt (the ECCI unsuccessfully tried to get out of the prolonged crisis). At home, A. R. Fadl was immediately arrested. The materials of the personal file of A. A. Marey, who was born in 1902 in Tanta and worked there as a railway driver, suggest that he did not seek to return to Egypt at all. There were good reasons for this. In Moscow, he married, taking his wife's surname as a pseudonym, and had two daughters. Only in 1930, yielding to the pressure of the eastern department of the IKKI, A. A. M. Marei left for his homeland.

4. FRAGILITY OF THE STRUCTURE: NATIONAL AND COMMUNITY ASPECTS

The core of the problem that called into question the ETUC's ability to reproduce itself was not only that it was constantly losing (and not only under the blows of the authorities) the personnel it needed. We are also talking about its internal instability, which was also not always the result of repression and persecution. Perhaps the most serious source of this instability was, paradoxically, the national composition of the party and the related policies of the Comintern. The anti-colonial rhetoric of the ECCI, which was common in those years and demanded the involvement of people from the "native majority" in the ranks of Middle Eastern communist parties, did not contradict the practice of contacts between the highest body of the Comintern and people from non-ethnic communities in the region. And this happened because Moscow's "internationalist" attitudes were ultimately aimed not at solving the problems of national liberation of oppressed peoples, but at creating groups of supporters of Soviet influence in the region. The example of "migratory birds", which is how M. Spector, in particular, could be qualified, as well as some of the Egyptian listeners of Armenian origin, was an obvious confirmation of this. But the movement in this direction created a situation of tension and alienation between the indigenous Egyptians and their comrades from groups of other ethnic groups. If, for example, A. M. Kosoy "had no illusions about the value (valeur) of native members for communism," 49 then the response should have been unequivocally harsh. M. M. Dueydar's example proved this.

He was born in 1901 in Tanta and was a railway machinist 50 . His education before arriving in Moscow was limited to an incomplete elementary school. In 1927, M. M. Dueydar joined the ETUC and in the same year arrived in KUTV from Palestine, where in 1933 he was sent to work illegally (his personal file, which, of course, is not accidental, is not in the Egyptian, but in the Palestinian inventory of the RGASPI). The information contained in the related materials makes it possible to understand why his stay in the Soviet Union was so long. A year after M. M. Dueydar arrived to study, he was expelled from KUTV (the reason for his expulsion was "old nationalist petty-bourgeois prejudices") and sent "to production", where he was supposed to receive "proletarian training". This "production" became the "agricultural plant in Moscow", where M. M. Dueydar worked as a locksmith, the "merchant fleet", where he was a "steamboat driver", and the Odessa railway depot, where he returned to the profession familiar from Tante - "locomotive driver" 51 . Interesting information!

In 1970, a well-known Egyptian historian of the communist movement in his country, R. Al-Said, interviewed M. M. Dueydar in Cairo. The interviewee spoke about serious problems. M. M. Dueydar spoke, for example, about his joining the ETUC. His words implied that he had previously supported the Watanists. The situation, however, was changed by friendly relations with Ahmed Abdel Aziz, who worked with him, the brother of M. Abdel Aziz, who was studying at the KUTV in Moscow at that time .52 The stories about life in the Soviet Union and, above all, about the possibility of getting an education there made a huge impression on M. M. Dueydar. This determined his desire to meet M. Abdelaziz after his return from Moscow. The acquaintance took place in 1927, and M. Abdel Aziz (at that time, the benefit of the-

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To a person who enjoyed the confidence of the ICCI), it was said "about the desire to study in the Soviet Union." M. Abdelaziz not only introduced M. M. Dueydar to "one of the cells of the party in Tanta", but also "immediately agreed" to send him to Moscow, saying only: "Correct your passport!". Membership in the ETUC was becoming grotesque.

M. M. Dueydar arrived in Moscow at a time when the campaign of struggle for Arabization was nearing its apogee in the Arab sector of the KUTV. According to him, he took a very active part in it, making in his speeches to the audience an emphasis, among other things, on the low level of culture of Arab listeners (he himself, as well as his Egyptian comrades, were, of course, an exception). The blame for this, as he believed, was borne by the leaders of the communist parties of the Middle East-non-Arabs. This point of view clearly echoed the assessment of A. M. Kosoy. For this, the former " Zionists "who occupied a leading position in the eastern division of the ECCI (among them was the first general secretary of the Palestinian Communist Party, V. Averbukh-Abuzam, in the recent past), launched an" offensive "against it under the pretext of its"non-Proletarian thinking". The result of this "offensive" was the dispatch of M. M. Dueydar to "production". Later, in violation of the decision of the highest Comintern authorities and considering it necessary to avoid "persecution by the Zionists," M. M. Dueydar refused to come to Palestine, making every effort to enter Egypt. But at home in the field of party activity, he did not show himself in any way.

There was, however, another factor that determined the internal instability of the ETUC.

Representatives of the first wave of Egyptian trainees in the QUTV, as well as M. Hassan and H. Kh., who joined them at the time of joining the ETUC. Shaaban, were natives of either Alexandria (except for A. A. Muhammad, who was born in Cairo), or the surrounding villages and towns (like A. R. Fadl). But all of them, including S. D. Zandberg, lived and worked in this city. The only exception was X. Shaaban, who reported that in the early 1920s, he worked first in a railway "warehouse" and then as a train driver in Ez-Zakazik (a major railway junction in Lower Egypt), where he headed the local section of the ETUC. Until 1924, Alexandria was, without a doubt, the pole of life of the Egyptian communist movement. Further expansion of the party's activities involved integrating newly created cells and organizations into the already established system of intra-national hierarchical subordination of regions.

But there was another, perhaps more significant circumstance, confirmed by the words of A. R. Fadl, who completely preserved the worldview of the Communists of the first wave, although they were pronounced many years later: "Alexandria was a real capital, a concentration of wealth, industry ,and workers 'associations." 53 The country, which was beginning to move towards independence and became the field of activity of many political forces, entered the era of creating a new structure of national society, the configuration of which was to be determined by the principle of "center - periphery". But the problem of nominating such a center was not always determined by economic considerations - it was solved by competition between political forces that sought to represent the interests of society. The ETUC was one of them, and it was keen to participate in this process.

All participants in the Alexandria section of the ETUC were, in fact, the same age as those born in 1896 (A. R. Fadl and A. A. Muhammad) or in 1898 (S. Rosenthal 54 , A. Yahya, H. Husain, M. Hassan). The exceptions were M. Spector, S. D. Zandberg, and M. A. Said and Sh. Hafez (the last two were born in 1904) This was a fundamentally important circumstance. However, not all of them were direct and indirect participants, or at least witnesses, of the events of 1919, which primarily affected the largest centers of the country, where they conducted communist work.

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At that time, all of them were 28 (like M. Spector), 23, 21 or 16 (in the case of S. D. Zandberg) and 15 years old - the level of politicization of young people and adolescents in an eastern country is always high. The uprising of 1919 introduced Egypt to the newest stage of its history. The nationwide anti-English movement did not just outgrow the country's traditional framework of urban riots and peasant riots. It changed the identity of the Egyptians and the fate of the country itself. The "Egyptian nation" was emerging, and the vast majority of the listeners of the first wave of QUTV, as well as M. Hassan and H. The Sha'ban identified themselves as " Egyptians." But then there was a complication: M. Spector was a "Jew", S. Rosenthal wrote about herself that she was "a Jew, an Egyptian subject", finally, A. Yahya called himself an "Arab", confirming his non-Egyptian origin, as A. Fadl said about him.

If they all wanted to develop contacts with the Comintern, it meant, of course, that for them the country from which they came to Moscow was still far from truly independent. This feeling held the party together. But in its internal content, it was negative. The unity of the party had to be ensured by a positive beginning, for example, a common understanding of the essence of Alexandria as the center of the formation of Egyptian society. But suddenly it turned out that this center is heterogeneous. It was operated by M. Spector and S. D. Zandberg, who could not even have witnessed the events of 1919, because at that time they were in Palestine. Moreover, they both arrived there (which is also obvious for the" assimilated " S. D. Zandberg), solving the problems of their, in many respects, physical existence. Jewish pogroms in pre-revolutionary Russia and outright anti-Semitism in the newly revived Polish state were obvious and unproven realities. Could their perception of the events that unfolded in 1919 in the neighboring country of Palestine, which also dealt a blow to local non-ethnic (including Jewish) communities, be positive? However, an example of Sh. Rosenthal seems more eloquent here.

Sh. Rosenthal came from a well-to-do "merchant family." Her father, Joseph Rosenthal, was a watchmaker until 1904, later the owner of a fashionable jewelry store in the center of Alexandria and at the same time one of the most prominent figures in the ranks of the Egyptian Socialist Party, the founder of the CGTE. She went to a German school, and it was natural for her - a resident of Alexandria at the time-to be fluent in German, French, English, and Italian. However, she was equally fluent (and for a representative of a non-ethnic minority in Egypt between the two World Wars, this was rather an exception) and in Arabic (rather, in the Egyptian dialect). Yes, of course, S. Rosenthal reported in her autobiography that back in 1918, together with her father, she participated in the organization of the "first socialist circle"in Alexandria. But what was this "socialist circle"? The first contacts between the founder of the VKTE and the socialists, representatives of the autochthonous population of his country, were established only in the early 1920s. Rosenthal's letter from Alexandria to the ECCI reported that there were Italian, Greek, and Jewish socialist circles in that city that were "more focused on the Russian revolution than on local reality." 55 This was a common situation in the Middle East at that time.

But this meant, first of all, that Sh. Rosenthal became a socialist and then a communist not at all under the influence of events in the country of which she was a citizen. At best, she was only a witness to the 1919 uprising. Moreover, her father created the CGTE so that Egypt, with its significant foreign inclusions, would become "a smaller copy of the United States of the World, a true prototype of the League of Nations." In Egypt, he said, "in this hospitable land where all nations have numerous colonies, where foreigners easily adapt and find their place to freely realize their talents," there was an opportunity to prove that "the people are ready to live in peace, can unite and reach mutual understanding." 56 It was a response to the events that were regarded by the Autochthonous Egyptians as a heroic epic of struggle, seen through the eyes of a representative of the group of the Egyptian population that saw them as a threat to its own people.

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S. Rosenthal and her father were united by a bond of genuine spiritual closeness, and she, of course, shared his position. In turn, ordinary human choices became politically nuanced. If the threat to the physical existence and well-being of people of European origin persisted, it stemmed from the misinterpretation of the essence of socialism by the Autochthonous Egyptians. It was thus the duty of European immigrants to provide cultural (and political) leadership to those who were their local party comrades. These same comrades, almost immediately after the party's creation, responded to this leadership with xenophobia and anti-Semitism, which only intensified after 1924.

The blow dealt to the party changed it in many ways internally. There were no more "clerks, "" students or small merchants,"or" teachers and lawyers." Now the ETUC was replenished with workers, including M. G. Fattah and A. H. Hussein, M. M. Dueydar and A. A. M. Marei (with their characteristic "lower" level of education, although A. A. M. Marei reported that he received a "secondary" education), as well as Armenian members of the second wave of students of KUTV.

Of course, among those who joined the ETUC before 1924, there were workers, for example, H. Shaaban. His father was a worker - a railway machinist - and his son eventually inherited his profession. In 1919, H. Sha'ban, or so he wrote in his questionnaire, was a member of the "Revenge Society" (Gamiyat al-Intikam tabiyah li Hizb al-Wafd Sirriyan), which operated under the secret leadership of the Wafd party." In 1921, after joining the CGTE, he joined the Socialist Party of Egypt, and very quickly became secretary of the ETUC section in Ezzadik. After returning to Egypt from 1925 to 1931, Shaaban was a member of the ECP Central Committee. However, this was rather an exception, confirming the insignificance of the working class stratum in the party in the first years of its life, although even then the former watanist Hassuna Hussein was also called a worker. More important, however, is how it became a "worker". Until 1919, H. Hussein, who received his secondary education at the "Arab gymnasium" in Alexandria, served as a non-commissioned officer. Most likely, the reason for his dismissal from the Egyptian army was his political leanings. The loss of fixed earnings turned X. Hussein turned into a "worker" - a barber who, as was usual for those years in the East, also performed the functions of a"master of dental affairs". If in his case the name is : if there was a social descent, then for the members of the second wave, the status of "worker" was part of their being.

Of course, it was not always about "proletarians" - to what extent were they "photographer" Zh. Yevgenyan or "railway car cleaner", and in the recent past graduated only from the village Koranic school, "saddler" A. H. Hussein? But the important principle was that the social composition of the party was finally becoming more consistent with its status as a communist organization. Moreover, the party seemed to be beginning to penetrate the "mass of the working masses"! However, after 1924, the ETUC no longer had any influence in the trade unions, which were completely dominated by wafdiets57 .

If A. H. Hussein participated in the Fifth Congress of the Profintern in 1929, representing the" class " trade unions of Egypt, this did not mean that such unions were real. His presence there was a formality. He had come to Moscow to become a student of the KUTV, and it was common practice for the Comintern and the organizations that operated under his leadership to grant mandates for participants in their forums to students of the KUTV as representatives of small parties or "revolutionary" trade unions.

At the same time, the" proletarianization " of the ETUC was not an unambiguous phenomenon. Of course, the growing number of workers in it further separated it from the realities of political life, turning the Egyptian communist organization into a completely "non-system" group that was moving along the path of increasingly consistent marginalization. Most of the representatives of the second wave of KUTV listeners are only in Malaya stepa-

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neither had any contact with the events of 1919. Of course, A. M. Fattah, A. A. M. Marey and M. M. Dueydar were then 16, 17 and 18 years old respectively, but they were born only in provincial Tanta. Were there any Z's? Yevgenia and D. G. Voskerichyan even witnessed what happened in 1919? This is doubtful, since both of them, although for different reasons, were then outside of Egypt, as well as the Masmanyan spouses. But, one way or another, the" proletarianized " ETUC remained a channel through which politics (albeit through flawed and destructive methods of action) included a part - of course, an extremely small part - of the lower strata of Egyptian society. But how did this "entry" occur?

All the representatives of the national majority who were part of the second wave of QUTV listeners - M. G. Fattah, A. H. Hussein, A. A. M. Marey and M. M. Dueydar - wrote in their questionnaires that they were "Arabs". The questionnaire contained in the personal file of M. A. Neyrouz 58 , an Egyptian student of the KUTV and a member of the Syrian Communist Party at the time of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, naturally stated that he was also an "Arab". No more mentioning that they are "Egyptians"! The gap between them and their recent party comrades, who came from different national groups, was becoming clear, as was the increasingly xenophobic tinge that colored the gap. "Egyptians" to a greater extent became the Zh. Yevgenyan ("an Armenian from Egypt"), D. G. Voskerichyan ("an Armenian from Egypt"), G. D. Depir ("an Armenian, an Egyptian subject"), also S. D. Zandberg ("an Egyptian Jew"), although the Masmanyan spouses defined themselves (by virtue of their" Syrian " origin?) only as "Armenians". Nevertheless, there was a tendency, the effect of which was supposed to manifest itself in the event of a sharp change in the internal political situation, suggesting an appeal of the force that caused this change to the "working majority".

However, the direct result of the first defeat of the ETUC was the appearance in Egypt of a" plurality " of communist movement centers, which tended to further split up. But, at least initially, Cairo could be considered among them as claiming a leading role, since among the representatives of the second wave of KUTV listeners, it seems, there was a significant stratum of residents of the capital.

It was represented by A. H. Hussein, who was born in 1899 in a village near Cairo and moved to that city in 1918. Before joining the ETUC in 1928, he was sympathetic to the Wafdists. The Cairans were D. G. Voskerichyan and G. D. Depir. But was it significant from the point of view of the claims of the Cairo organization of the ETUC as a pole of attraction for the Egyptian Communists? Zh. Yevgenyan was a native of Alexandria, and when he returned to his homeland, he gravitated to this center of communist action. M. M. Dueydar was a native of Tanta, where A. A. M. Marei and A. M. Fattah were born. The main thing was that M. Abdelaziz settled in his native Cairo after returning from the Soviet Union. In the ECCI, he was considered the second Secretary-General of the ETUC, after H. Al-Orabi. There was a really revealing situation!

5. M. ABDEL AZIZ: "CULPRIT" OF ETUC DEGRADATION

M. Abdel Aziz, who joined the ETUC in 1922, was, according to some accounts, a protégé of H. al-Orabi, who was sent to study in Moscow on the personal initiative of the first general secretary of the party. 59 Protectionism in terms of studying in the Soviet Union did not apply only to M. Abdelaziz. It was obvious, for example, in the case of Sh. Rosenthal, when the role of A. M. Kosoy, who had already met her in Alexandria, was most likely decisive in making the appropriate decision. M. Abdel Aziz, "the son of an employee and an employee himself," as noted in the materials of his personal file, was an outstanding figure. At least none of the Egyptian listeners of the first or second wave, except for him, became, even if only occasionally, the author of periodicals of organizations affiliated with the Comintern .60

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After returning to Egypt, M. Abdelaziz, who used the pseudonym M. Zaki, began to regularly send messages to the eastern department of the ICCI (the first of them was dated March 20, 1927 ) about the situation in the communist movement. These reports indicated that in Moscow he had been assigned to work on re-establishing a unified Communist party in Egypt.

He reported that there was "no organization in the country at the time of his return, except for Charlotte and two comrades in Alexandria." On his own initiative, M. Abdelaziz made a trip to Tanta, where he first created an "organization of ten people", and also organized "several" cells in Cairo. In all his reports, the emphasis placed on the activities of the Communists in Tanta was obvious. It was about people whom he, in fact, nurtured, emphasizing that they were all "proletarian workers" who could bring significant benefits to the Comintern. This was said for the eastern department of the ICCI, but for himself, M. Abdelaziz, of course, created the necessary basis for his future career. In the same messages, he stressed that Sh. Rosenthal is "against the re-establishment of the party", and also that a party operating in Egypt should be primarily an organization of local "workers". The last words were a kind of password that ensured the same subsequent promotion on the ladder of a career in the Comintern. Eventually, the Eastern division of the ECCI decided to create an interim CC of the ETUC, whose General Secretary was M. Abdelaziz .62

But this decision seemed to him a half-hearted success. Sh. was co-opted into the same Central Committee. Rosenthal, the Palestinian communist I. N. Teper-Shami, who was then on a business trip to Egypt, and, in addition, recognized the need to introduce "one Greek comrade"to it. This decision also did not satisfy the other parties, whose representatives were included in the supreme governing body of the ETUC and united in their opposition to M. Abdelaziz. He was strongly opposed by the Greek Communists who had already formed their own group in Alexandria, who believed that joining with him would result in "xenophobic interethnic competition" for the ETUC, and reported to Moscow that M. Abdelaziz was "slandering" representatives of non-ethnic communities .63 Sh joined them. Rosenthal, who gradually came to the conclusion that "the existence of a Communist party in the East is impossible and harmful to communist thought." 64 But in the context of the document that quoted her, this meant that the Communist Party is impossible if it is headed by a representative of the national majority or if it is not supervised by some other communist organization that "has outlived nationalist prejudices." In this regard, the Palestinian Communist Party was called the most preferred one. Well, we were talking about the traditional manifestation of colonization cultural regerism in the European environment. But this time in the ranks of the "internationalist" Communist Party!

E. Zeid, a Palestinian communist who was on a business trip to Egypt in 1929, reported that in some Cairo communist cells created by M. Abdel Aziz, the majority are Armenians .65 They, he said, like the members of the organization in Tanta, supported their patron during the struggle between the various centers of the communist movement .66

In this regard, it is no coincidence that the second wave of Egyptian students at the KUT included two Armenians from Cairo. It is also no coincidence that M. M. Dueydar, an undoubted protégé of M. Abdelaziz, recalled the situation in the Arab sector of QUTV, where Palestinians, Algerians and Syrians studied with him, and said:: "Only among the Egyptians there were no Jews. ... Only we have raised the question of the discrepancy between the size of the population of Arab countries and the national composition of local parties. Only we, the Egyptians, fought with the slogan of Arabization. " 67 Assume that M. M. Dueydar, so troga-

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It would have been naive to have been so concerned about the "purity" of the national composition of the Communist parties of the Arab world that he did not know that G. D. Depir and D. G. Voskerichyan, who were in the QUTV at that time, were not Arabs. But, apparently, they, the residents of Cairo, actively supported his initiatives. In turn, the fate of the Alexandrian Zh. Yevgenyan.

What is more important, however, is that in Egypt, which has already begun the newest era of its existence, the efforts of M. Abdel Aziz were accompanied by the revival of the traditional confrontation between various non - ethnic groups of the population who sought the support of certain strata of autochthonous society .68 However, this time the tradition was renewed by a party designed to open the way for this society to a "bright socialist future".

On July 10, 1932, M. Abdelaziz was expelled from the party by a decree of the ECCI for "scheming and disorganizing" its ranks. The document also stated that members of the ETUC had accused him of "being a police provocateur" .69 A corresponding entry, but already categorically asserting that M. Abdelaziz is a "provocateur", is also available in his personal file. Since then, any study devoted to the history of the communist movement in Egypt will certainly mention this circumstance, highlighting it as almost a decisive factor in the degradation of the entire movement .70 The ETUC, however, continued to decline even after the expulsion of M. Abdelaziz. More importantly, isn't the story of his "provocateurism" a myth?

None of the WGASPI documents referring to M. Abdelaziz refer to any specific fact proving his connection with the Egyptian police or British intelligence agents. Nor are the allegations (only at the level of rumours carefully collected to be sent to Moscow) that he was involved in the arrest of any of his party comrades unsubstantiated. And these arrests were a reality of the ETUC's daily life. Thus, on May 3, 1930, the Egyptian newspaper Al-Ahram reported that a group of "communist terrorists" who were engaged in "putting up leaflets on the occasion of the communist holiday of May 1" was again arrested in the country. First among them, the newspaper called " dental technician Hassoun Hussein Ismail." The name X followed. Sha'ban 71 . Both were originally from Alexandria, but more importantly, they were protégés of H. Al-Orabi, who was released from prison in 1927. Moreover, both of them, as well as M. Abdel Aziz, who was accused by the Alexandrians of their "betrayal", were among the first wave of Egyptian listeners to the QUTV.

The restoration of its first secretary-general in the ranks of the ETUC became an important task, which was solved, among other things, by M. Abdelaziz, 72 who "stubbornly considered", as I. N. Teper also reported, "members of the party" of its "old members" .73 Needless to say, the support of H. al - Orabi would have greatly strengthened the position of M. Abdelaziz himself. Moreover, according to the report of I. N. Teper, H. al-Orabi was categorically opposed to the orientation of the Egyptian Communists towards subordination to the Palestinian Communist Party, 74 which both the Palestinian Communists and their supporters in Alexandria insisted on .75 M. Abdelaziz remained an equally ardent advocate of the independence of the ETUC. In this regard, any attempt on his part to strike at the positions of supporters of H. al-Orabi would be not only unwise, but also disastrous.

In February 1929, the Greek Communists, who were concentrating in Alexandria, formed their own Central Committee in this city, which announced the expulsion of H. al-Orabi and M. Abdel Aziz from the party .76 By that time, Egypt had received a letter from the eastern section of the ECCI written a month earlier, from which it followed that, although the Comintern did not support the idea of uniting the leadership of the Communist parties of Egypt and Palestine, its employees nevertheless considered it important for them to provide each other with "ideological and material assistance. "77 In Alexandria, this idea was taken full advantage of - the conference of Egyptian communists held in March 1931 officially called H. al-Orabi a " spy " 78 . Formally, there were grounds for this. H. Al-Orabi, who, of course, understood the essence of the situation developing around him, announced his withdrawal from the ETUC, published in the Cairo magazine "As-Sa-

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Qafa al-Ghadida" has published his own translation of the works of several English Labour figures and announced that he would create a "legal socialist party" in Egypt .79 That was enough to bring such a harsh charge against him. But the decisions of the same conference also stated that " with him (H. Al-Orabi. - G. K.) Hassuna Hussein and Hafez Sha'ban " 80, who were already in prison at that time. It did not take long to declare M. Abdelaziz a "traitor" and "provocateur". However, how clearly Machiavelli's recipes were used in this case!

Was H. al-Orabi's actions based on the desire to recreate in Egypt a legal political group that appeals to "national socialism", perhaps no longer calling itself "communist" 81, but leaning towards the "soil-based" social ideal of S. Musa? Did M. Abdelaziz and his other proteges support him? At least for the entire period after 1924, when analyzing the reasons for the failures of the Egyptian Communists, the ECCI emphasized that the ETUC could not get rid of its desire for exclusively legal forms of activity. 82 But it is not for nothing that M. Abdelaziz was inclined to the idea of a party in which those members who joined it before the first defeat of the authorities would also take part. No wonder he "slandered" people from the ranks of non-ethnic communities. He, of course, perfectly remembered the time of rapid growth in the ranks of the Communist Party, which was replenished with representatives of the national majority and on this basis actively "Egyptianized". By returning to legal activity and for the sake of doing so renouncing the odious manifestations of his "proletarian" nature, the party, at the head of which he, of course, wanted to remain, could turn, as M. Abdelaziz probably thought, even into a secondary, but nevertheless a real participant in the political process in his own country.

But the party was returning to "internationalism," and what a high price was paid for the restoration of this principle! It included not only M. M. Dueydar's undisguised hatred of foreigners and anti-Semitism. More importantly, he (and he was just one of many people from the lower strata of Egyptian society who entered politics through the ETUC) carried this hatred with him throughout his life. He shared it with others, he carried it "to the masses", where it became hypertrophied, now acquiring the connotation of the need to fight the evil that threatens the universal catastrophe.

But this price ultimately included the loss of the Egyptian Communists ' ability to be an independent political power. M. M. Dueydar was supposed to work in Palestine after graduating from KUTV. In 1936, M. A. Neyrouz, a student of the Syrian Communists, spoke on behalf of the ECP at the Seventh Congress of the Comintern. The" multiplicity "of centers of the Egyptian communist movement" pushed " the borders of the country in which this movement originated. This only meant that it was agonizing in the country itself.

6. THE POSSIBILITIES OF SOVIET POLITICS: INSTEAD OF CONCLUDING

So, it would be worth returning to the question raised earlier: is it possible to create a group portrait of the first Egyptian communists? Obviously, the answer to this question will be no. A group portrait of Egyptian communists from the 1920s to the 1930s is not possible, and its place is taken by a gallery of images that are not complementary, but opposed to each other. And even more than that, the images behind which stood people who were usually considered as contractors of Soviet policy were by no means obedient performers of its tasks. No matter how small or, on the contrary, great (it all depends only on the angle of their reading) these people were guided by their thoughts, they, of course, sought, first of all, to achieve those goals that they, and not their external patron, seemed to be the first priority. This led to the main thing: the model of social reconstruction proposed by Moscow was perceived not as a means of changing the world, but as a tool for strengthening one's own position in one of its components

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this world of countries. However, the opponents of the Egyptian Communists also saw in the concepts, doctrines and slogans of their external allies only a tool of action, becoming, like their antagonists, fighters for their own ideals.

The members of the ETUC were only conditional supporters of the "proletarian" state. This circumstance fell out of the Comintern's field of vision, as well as the reason for this convention, which, with varying degrees of approximation, could be considered the unresolved national question. And it was not only and not so much about Egypt or the colonial policy of Great Britain, but also about a wide range of problems related to the conditions for the formation of national elites, the construction of nations and the ways of their consistent entry into a complex and multifaceted world. Some of these questions, which are directly relevant to the Communists of Egypt in the 1920s and 1930s, deserve special attention in this regard.

Insisting on the social nature of its section, the Comintern purposefully ignored the national motivation of the appeal of the Egyptian communist movement participants to support Moscow. This was more than obvious in the case of representatives of national minorities. The ECCI never recognized the connection between the possibilities of solving the Jewish question and the territory of historical Palestine, a connection that was considered axiomatic by the supporters of Poalei Zion. But equally, following in the wake of Soviet foreign policy, the supreme organ of the Third International did not consider the restoration of historical justice to the Armenian population of a part of the territory of Kemalist Turkey to be justified. For its employees, there was no alternative to the Soviet methods of realizing Jewish national aspirations, and Sovietized Armenia became the highest embodiment of the national aspirations of Armenians. In turn, the communist groups that emerged in both environments were guided by the Comintern on the unconditional coordination of actions between them, on the one hand, and those natives of the national majority of Egypt who considered the Soviet Union as their foreign policy support, on the other. However, actions in this direction destroyed the ETUC, deliberately condemning Communists of non-national origin to pursue a course with respect to their formal like-minded people, which was based on condescending cultural regerism or subordination to certain factions of the national majority. How often have these people sought to break with Egypt, to leave the "class battleground" and throw off the burden that was placed on them.

Similarly, the ICCI ignored the processes of the formation of a national society in Egypt, which was supposed to become adequate to the newly emerging sovereign state in this country. The tendency to ignore this process stemmed from the conviction that the ETUC's" class "activities would solve other problems that were considered" secondary " to the country. However, in reality, this "class" activity was only a form of participation of those whom the Comintern considered its Egyptian adherents (which was primarily true of the Autochthons) in the creation of a new society. It couldn't have been any different in the 1920s and 1930s. There was a situation when what was seemingly "secondary" and had to be resolved in the course of the struggle for the" interests of the proletariat", in fact turned out to be the focus of attention of the Egyptian communists. They were primarily interested in the place and role of foreign colonies in the country's society. In turn, the regionalism that divided the ETUC, the gap between generations of its members, and their social or local origin did nothing more than nuance (and sometimes harshly and openly) the general desire of autochthonous Communists to oust their fellow members from non-ethnic communities from the party. The Egyptian Communist Party turned out to be an ordinary cast of society. But, be

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maybe the mood in her was just anticipating the future. Historically, it was the first Egyptian political force to express so sharply and unambiguously through the mouths of its"proletarian" members the xenophobia that later, taking the form of a "struggle" for national dignity, became the basis for the actions of the "workers"awakened by the coup of July 23, 1952.

In other words, the ideologemes of " internationalism "and" proletarian solidarity " did not prove to be an effective tool of Soviet policy aimed at Egypt. But why is it that many years later, though framed a little differently - "the union of the country of socialism and the national liberation movement" - the same ideologeme became the basis of Soviet-Egyptian interaction? Apparently, because both Egypt and the Soviet Union were changing. In each of the countries, a social hierarchy was formed that met the conditions of the state's vital activity and appeared to be unshakable. In the case of Egypt, this hierarchy was nationally homogeneous; in the case of the Soviet Union, it was nationally ranked. All the other means of legitimizing inter-state interaction-socialist choice, anti-imperialism, and anti-Zionism-turned out to be not only taken from the previous set of traditional slogans, but this time they were subordinated to the main one. This main factor was the interest of Egypt's foreign policy ally not in changing the already established configuration of local society, but in preserving and supporting its new outlines.

notes

1 On February 22, 1922, the British Government issued a declaration abolishing the protectorate and recognizing Egypt as a sovereign State. Adopted in April of the following year, the basic law proclaimed the country a constitutional kingdom. In mid-1923, the "Egyptian delegation" was reorganized into the Wafd party, which won an undisputed victory in the parliamentary elections in January 1924, which allowed its leader S. Zaghlul to form the first national government of the now independent country. Koshelev V. S. Egypt: from Orabi Pasha to Saad Zaghlul. 1879-1924. Moscow, 1987.

2 Here and further see about it: Kosach G. G. Red Flag over the Middle East? Communist Parties of Egypt, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon in the 20-30s. Moscow, 2001. pp. 35-143.

3 Before joining the Socialist Party, he was a supporter of the Vatanists, in social terms-an employee, the son of a landowner, and served as party leader in 1923-1924, as well as in 1927-1928 (RGASPI. F. 495. Op. 85.D. 83).

Here and further, the numbers of personal files sheets are not indicated. These cases are not numbered, and sometimes they are not sorted out.

The RGASPI keeps the questionnaire of the delegate of the Second Congress of the Profintern compiled by H. al-Orabi in Moscow in 1922, which states that he was born in 1894 in El-Mahalla-el-Kubra, graduated from high school and two university courses, and knows two languages - Arabic and English. he described himself as an" Egyptian", socially as an "intellectual", and his main profession as a "journalist". He called himself a member of the Socialist Party of Egypt since its creation in 1921. At the congress, H. Al-Orabi represented the "administrative committee of the General Confederation of Labor of Egypt", under the leadership of which, according to him, there were 2,750 members of various trade unions. He also noted that he is the general secretary of this Confederation, as well as the secretary of the ECP / / Ibid. f. 534. Op. 1. Ed. hr. 20. L. 7-10.

A curious assessment of H. al-Orabi, expressed many years later by one of the first Egyptian communists A. R. Fadl: "He was from a family of aristocrats, ruined cotton merchants. ... I was looking for a job" (As-Said R. Tarikh al-haraka al-ishtiraqiyya fi Mysr. 1900-1925 (History of the socialist movement in Egypt. 1900 - 1925). Beirut. 1975. p. 299).

4 At that time, the Chinese Communist Party, for example, numbered 800 people. In the Near and Middle East, the situation was different : the Palestinian Communist Party had only 100 members, while the Turkish Communist Party had 600 (Correspondances Internationales. 1924. N 102. P. 1112).

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5 A. R. Fadl, who was directly involved in these events, recalled many years later :" We shook Alexandria. We seized the factories and raised red flags over them. Alexandria was completely ours " (As-Said R. Tarikh al-harakah al-ishtiraqiyyah fi Mysr. p. 301).

The ECCI, given the complexity of Soviet-British relations at that time, was wary of such actions of its Egyptian section, calling them "insufficiently thought-out and well-organized action" (Correspondances Internationales. 1924. N 26. p. 297-298).

However, the question to what extent the seizure of this factory was authorized by the ECP Central Committee or was initiated by a part of the party leadership is still open. At least on Egolin there was a communist cell and a factory trade union led by it, which was headed by Samuel Borisovich Kozhushner (Kirzon-Samueli), who represented the ECP at the Fifth Congress of the Comintern and the Third Congress of the Profintern (1924). See: RGASPI. F. 492. Op. 1. Ed. chr. 368. L. 27; ibid. f. 534. Op. 1. Ed. hr. 50. l. 60.

The materials of his personal file indicate, in particular, that he was born in 1885 in Nikolaev, Kherson province, in the family of a house painter, studied at a religious Jewish school until the age of eight, and in 1903 joined the Poaleizionist movement. In 1910, S. B. Kozhushner finally settled in Egypt. In 1922, having previously been a member of the Jewish Workers ' Club of Alexandria, he joined the ECP, continuing to work as a house painter at the Egolin factory. In 1923, he was a member of the leadership of the "Alexandria section of the ETUC" and secretary of the Egyptian branch of the IOPR. After the events of 1924, he was arrested, accused of being the leader of the factory takeover, and exiled to the Soviet Union, where he was able to represent the ETUC at both congresses (Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 42).

The ECP cell at the Egolin factory was apparently significant. In addition to S. B. Kozhushner, it included at least A. M. Katz, who was born in 1920 in Yekaterinoslav (Dnepropetrovsk) and arrived in Egypt via Palestine in 1920, as well as S. D. Zandberg. See: ibid. f. 95. On. 85. d. 37, 41.

It seems that members of this cell have repeatedly appealed to the leadership of the ETUC to "speed up the revolutionary action" of the workers.

6 Adolf Kraus was the head of the Egypt, Syria and Palestine Trading Company, which operated in Egypt.

7 RGASPI. F. 495. On. 85. Ed. hr. 10. L. 18.

8 Ibid. f. 495. On. 85. Ed. hr. 10. l. 35-48.

9 Bulletin No. 27 of December 6, 1922 of the IV Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, 1922.

10 The first cell of the Poalei Zion movement (Workers of Zion) was established at the turn of 1900-1901 by a group of Jewish intellectuals in Minsk, and later in the cities of the "pale of settlement". Very soon its sections were formed in Austria-Hungary and the USA (1903), Great Britain and Palestine (1905). In 1907, at a conference of Poalei Zion sections in The Hague, the World Jewish Socialist Workers ' Union (Poalei Zion) was established, and in 1920 it began negotiations with the Comintern to join its ranks.

11 Hunchak (Bell) - the first Armenian social Democratic party, which sought to unite the national idea and socialist thought, was established in 1887 in Geneva. It got its name from the newspaper it published. The party was attached to the Second International, maintaining active contacts with Fr. By Engels. Gncak's activities developed primarily within the borders of the Ottoman Empire. These were the Armenian vilayets of Western Armenia and Cilicia.

12 This group includes the case of Mahmoud Mustafa Dueydar, which is contained in the Palestinian inventory (RGASPI. F. 495. Op. 212. D. 309).

13 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 51.

Hereafter, information about each of the students of the QUTV is given based on the materials of the corresponding personal file.

14 Ibid. f. 495. On. 85. d. 90.

15 Hereafter, the names and surnames placed in parentheses are party pseudonyms of the time of your stay in Moscow.

16 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 74.

17 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 76.

18 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 82.

19 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 73.

20 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 85.

21 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 68.

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In 1929, Omar was arrested in Egypt. After his release in 1933, he unsuccessfully tried to return to the Soviet Union, where his wife and children remained. An attempt to obtain a Soviet entry visa in Athens ended in vain, as employees of the Soviet consulate in the Greek capital considered his words about underground activities in Egypt unsubstantiated. After returning from Greece to Egypt, M. Omar was excluded from the ETUC as a suspicious element. In Moscow, it was known that the documentary evidence received by the ICCI proved that M. Omar had been arrested. A clipping from the Cairo newspaper Al - Ahram, which is kept in the RGASPI, leaves no doubt about this. His personal file also contains letters sent by him after his release from prison to his wife, which were not passed on to her (Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 86. l. 7).

22 Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, Syrian and Lebanese Communists operated within the United Syrian Communist Party (UPC).

23 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 75.

24 In the congress delegate's questionnaire he filled out, however, he stated that he was born in 1907 and also became a member of the Egyptian Communist Party in 1931 (Ibid., f. 494. Op. 1. D. 495. L. 18-19).

The report of M. A. Neyrouz's joining the ETUC in 1931 should be considered critically, if only because at that time he was in Beirut, which is confirmed by documents previously compiled by him, where, in particular, in the questionnaire contained in his personal file, it is stated that in 1931 he was in Beirut. he became a member of the UPC. The materials of his personal file indicate that after graduating from KUTV, he was sent to Egypt, arrested in Tanta in 1936 and sentenced to three years in prison (Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 75).

25 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 37.

26 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 58.

27 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 54.

28 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 69.

29 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 56.

30 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 33.

31 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 70.

32 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 71.

33 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 72.

34 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. D. 53.

35 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. d. 52.

36 This agreement was reached between the Eastern Division of the ICCI and H. Al-Orabi during the Fourth Congress of the Comintern. - See X's letter. al-Orabi from Alexandria to the "Secretary of the Comintern" of November 8, 1922 (RGASPI. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 12. l. 77).

37 Her native language, however, was "Hebrew," which in the terminology of the time meant Yiddish. In other words, her relatives came from the territory of one of the Eastern European countries of that time.

38 This is how A. M. Kosoy (Avigdor) arrived in Palestine (Avigdor's personal file // Ibid., f. 495. Op. 212. d. 51).

39 According to A. Kraus, in 1921 "several Russian comrades" arrived in Egypt from Palestine (this, of course, was about left-wing poalizionists), among whom was, in particular, A. M. Kosoy (Avigdor). Thanks to their efforts, the "first communist group" of 400 people was created in the country, which also included radical immigrants from European countries / / Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. chr. 10. l. 17-20.

40 For the Armenian community of Egypt, see: Topuzyan O. H. Egyptavane haikakan gakute patmutyun. 1805-1952 (History of the Armenian colony in Egypt. 1805 - 1952). Yerevan, 1978.

As-Said R. 41 Tarikh al-harakah al-ishtiraqiyyah fi Mysr. p. 302.

42 Letter of Avigdor from Cairo dated November 16, 1922 / / Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 14. L. 87.

43 R. As-Said reported about M. A. Said, believing that the pseudonym "Hamdi Salam" is his real name, that he "studied medicine in the Soviet Union, became a doctor, chose to stay in the USSR, where he continued to live until his death" (As-Said R. Tarikh al-haraka al-ishtirakiya fi Mysr. p. 302).

44 Report on the state of the Egyptian Communist Party, January 23, 1932, compiled by Tant (RGASPI. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 98. l. 1-7).

45 If this commitment was demonstrated, the individuals concerned became "sincere Jewish comrades" or "conscious elements of non-Arab origin". Terminology

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M. M. Duaydar (As-Said R. Al-Yasar al-mysri. 1925-1940 (Egyptian left. 1925 - 1940). Beirut. 1972. p. 232).

46 The text of the mandate she brought to Moscow, written in Arabic, read:: "Comrade Charlotte Rosenthal, a member of the Egyptian Communist Party, has the right to assist in the conduct of correspondence between us." This meant, on the one hand, the Central Committee of the ECP, and on the other, the Eastern department of the ECCI (Ibid., f. 495. Op. 154. Ed. hr. 365. L. 32).

47 Reference on Egyptian political emigrants in the USSR as of 1936 (Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 115. l. 22).

48 After her husband's arrest in 1936 on charges of "having connections with British intelligence" and "supporting Trotskyists," Ms Rosenthal continued to work as a translator for Intourist for another year. In the" Certificate of Egyptian political emigrants to the USSR", compiled in 1936, it was said about her: "The daughter of a merchant, allegedly joined the Communist Party of Egypt in 1919 and was repeatedly arrested. Finally, in the USSR in 1928 with Avigdor, with his help, she entered the KUTV and was dragged to the CPSU (b) with a false experience-1919. Questionable element. ...Not recognized as a political emigrant" (Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 115. l. 22).

She was arrested in 1937 and sentenced to 10 years of forced labor camps. In 1944, she was re-sentenced to five years of exile. In 1955, Ms. Rosenthal was rehabilitated, and in 1958 she received permission to travel to Egypt. In March 1959, she was exiled by the Egyptian authorities from Alexandria to Europe (Ibid. Op. 85. d. 51).

49 Message from A. Kraus // Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 10. l. 17.

50 Subsequently, he called himself "the stoker" (As-Said R. Al-Yasar al-mysri, p. 227).

51 RGASPI. F. 495. Op. 212. D. 309.

52 Here and further, see: As-Said R. Al-Yasar al-mysri, pp. 227-237.

Al-Said R. 53 Tarikh al-harakah al-ishtiraqiyyah fi Mysr. p. 301.

54 This is what she wrote in the QUTV listener questionnaire. But in her autobiography written in April 1932, she stated that she was born in 1899.

55 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 2. l. 6.

56 Discours-Programme prononce par Joseph Rosenthal le 27 fevrier 1921 a l'ouverture de l'Assemblee Generate pour la creation d'une C.G.T. en Egypte // Ibid. F. 495. On. 85. Ed. hr. 1. L. 1-2.

57 This, of course, did not mean that there were no attempts to create "class" trade unions in Egypt after 1924. It is enough to refer, for example, to the activities of R. Gabbour and the newspaper "Al-Hisab"published by him in the interests of their creation. But these attempts were always violently interrupted by the authorities. : Kosach G. G. Decree. Soch. pp. 103-109.

58 RGASPI. f. 494. Op. 1. Ed. hr. 495. l. 18-19.

59 This was reported to R. As-Said by the Egyptian communist Abdel Fattah al-Qadi (As-Said R. Tarikh al-harakah al-ishtiraqiyyah fi Mysr. pp. 288-289).

60 At least one of his articles was published in the Soviet Union. See: Azis M. Rabocheye dvizhenie v Egipte [The labor movement in Egypt] / / Red International of Trade Unions, 1925, No. 12.

61 Here and further see: RGASPI. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 57. l. 1-14; and also: ibid. f. 494. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 71. l. 1-21.

62 Ibid. f. 494. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 57. l. 15.

63 See the letter sent from Alexandria on February 16, 1929, in Greek, signed by the secretary of the Greek group, V. Vassiliadis, and its Russian translation (Ibid., F. 494. Op. 85. Ed. chr. 71. l. 8-15, 18-29).

64 Report on the work in Egypt, made at the plenum of the Central Committee of the Palestinian Communist Party by Abuzam and received from Palestine in March 1928 / / Ibid. f. 494. On. 85. Ed. hr. 73. l. 4.

65 Report on the work of the ETUC for 1929 Ibid. F. 494. On. 85. Ed. hr. 80. l. 26.

66 This was also confirmed in his report for January 1932 by A. M. Fattah, who said that the" sphere of influence of Aziz "is a cell of 35 people among the visitors of the" Armenian club in Cairo " (Ibid. f. 494. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 98. l. 3.

67 M. M. Dueydar remembered that "Hamdi Salam, Abdurrahman Fadl, Dr. Hassouna, Hafez Shaaban, Abdel Aziz Marey" (As-Said R. Al - Yasar Al-mysri, pp. 228-230) had studied with him.

68 The fact that M. Abdelaziz is a "police provocateur" was reported to the eastern department of the ICCI by the Armenian communist Masis Poghosyan, who was expelled from Alexandria (RGASPI. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 95.L. 8-9).

69 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 96. l. 2-3.

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70 The author of this article wrote that "usually the most important reason for the stagnation of the ETUC during the second half of the 1920s-30s is called the betrayal of its Secretary-General M. Abdel Aziz", and added that "it is difficult to disagree with this". Nevertheless, the author noted that the ETUC continued to degrade "even after ... M. Abdel Aziz was expelled from the party" (Kosach G. G. Decree, op. p.118).

71 Al-Ahram, Cairo, May 3, 1930 / / RGASPI. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 86. l. 7.

72 In April 1927, he sent a letter to Moscow informing about his meeting with H. al-Orabi, where he noted that it was necessary to restore H. al-Orabi to the post of General Secretary of the ETUC or send him to work in the ECCP (Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 57. L. 22-23).

73 Ibid. F. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 71. L. 84-85.

74 But even much earlier, when H. Al-Orabi was just becoming Secretary-General of the ETUC, his rejection of attempts by former Egyptian Poalizionists, as well as Palestinian communists, to dictate their own course aroused xenophobic and anti-Semitic sentiments in him. According to A. Fadl, he "sharply attacked foreigners and, especially, Jews" (As-Said R. Tarikh al-haraka al-ishtiraqiyya fi Mysr. p. 301).

75 In the resolution adopted in the spring of 1928 by the Central Committee of the Palestinian Communist Party on the report of a trip to Egypt by V. V. Averbukh-Abuzyam, it was stated: "The organic development of the Egyptian Communist Party and the Palestinian Communist Party will necessarily lead to the unification of the leadership of both parties, and through their penetration into neighboring countries, to the formation of a single governing center for the communist parties of the Arab world" (Ibid. F. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 73. L. 9 - 10).

76 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 73. l. 27.

77 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 75. L. 6-7.

78 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 89. l. 3.

79 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 80. l. 28.

80 Ibid. f. 495. Op. 85. Ed. hr. 89. l. 3.

81 The phrase "communist party "was translated into Arabic in later documents of the Alexandria section of the Socialist Party of Egypt and early materials of the ETUC as" Hizb Tawzi'a Assarva - party of wealth redistribution", which for the Egyptian society of that time looked like a direct challenge to established traditions and ideas. - See, for example, the bilingual (in French and Arabic) inscription on the seal on the document received by the ECCI at the end of 1921 from Alexandria, entitled " Apecu general sur la situation en Egypte "(Ibid. f. 495. On. 85. Ed. chr. 2. L. 11).

82 This assessment was initiated by A. M. Kosoy. See: Adigdor. On the main stages of development of the Egyptian Communist Party / / Revolutionary East. Moscow, 1934. N 6. P. 79.

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