Based on archival and literary data, the article examines the myth-ritual complex associated with Erlik Khan , one of the main characters of the Khakass pantheon. Its connection with the cult of ancestors and the subsequent transformation of this deity are revealed. The symbolic and functional aspects are analyzed.

Keywords: Erlik Khan, spirits, world of the dead, ancestral cult, ritual, shamanism.

When studying the religious beliefs of the peoples of Southern Siberia and Central Asia, it is impossible to ignore Erlik Khan, who is one of the central religious characters of the Turkic and Mongolian peoples. In the historical and ethnographic literature, much attention was paid to it [Katanov, 1907; Anokhin, 1924; Alekseev. 1984; Neklyudov, 1988; Traditional Worldview..., 1988; Potapov, 1991; Butanaev, 2006]. It should be noted that such a colorful figure in the Khakass mythforital complex, unfortunately, has not been fully studied. Information about it is contained in separate works devoted to the spiritual culture of the Khakass people.

The problem of studying and interpreting an image

In many ethnographic works that deal with the Khakass worldview, the image of Erlik Khan is presented only fragmentary, sometimes contradictory. This is partly due to the fact that in the XIX-XX centuries, researchers recorded the views of the Khakass about Erlik Khan (as well as in general religious and mythological ideas), which in the past were significantly influenced by Buddhism, Manichaeism and Christianity. Many pre-revolutionary authors in their works identified only certain facets of this image, not noticing or deliberately "obscuring" those that contradicted their conceptual approaches.

The ancestors of the Khakass and other peoples of Southern Siberia first came into contact with Buddhism, Manichaeism, and Nestorian Christianity in the ancient Turkic period (Klyashtorny and Sultanov, 2000; Kyzlasov, 1999; Borisenko and Khudyakov, 2005; Butanaev, 2003). In this regard, A. Sagalaev rightly noted that the complex image of Erlik Khan among the Turkic-Mongolian peoples was formed from that time [1984, p. 7, 70]. Due to limited source information

The work was carried out in the framework of the project " Comparative analysis of basic spiritual values in the cultures of the peoples of Siberia in the late XIX-early XXI centuries . Assessment of the prospects for the preservation and development of cultural heritage "of the program of Fundamental research of the Presidium of the Russian Academy of Sciences No. 25, direction No. 5, and project No. 1.5.09 or ZN-5-09 (formerly ZN-17 - 08)" Development of a mechanism for integrating basic research and educational activities in archeology, ethnography and Oriental Studies within the framework of the UNC NSU and IAET SB RAN".

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However, it is difficult to judge the intensity and degree of influence of these religions on the entire myth-spiritual system of the Khakass ancestors. However, there is no doubt that as a result of long and complex ethno-cultural interactions, the image of Erlik Khan acquired new features, and the old ones were leveled and reinterpreted. Subsequently, despite these changes, the mythological localization and main cult functions of Erlik Khan were preserved for a long period.

The influence of powerful cultural impulses of world religions on the mythological system of the Sayano-Altai peoples continued even later [Lappo, 1905, p. 38; Yakovlev, 1900, p.120]. By the 18th and 19th centuries, as a result of the ethnocultural interaction of the South Siberian peoples with the Mongols and Russians, local archaic myths and cult practices were significantly expanded and closely intertwined with Buddhist and Christian views [Potapov, 1991, p. 254-260; Sagalaev, 1984, p. 8-48; Mikhailov, 1980, p. 168]. Throughout the 19th century, the Khakass myth-ritual system continued to be significantly influenced by Orthodoxy. With the further transformation of the pantheon, individual worldview positions were deeply rethought.

Since the mid-19th century. With the foundation of the Russian Geographical Society, the interest of ethnographic science in the spiritual culture of the indigenous inhabitants of Siberia increased. A systematic and systematic study of their cultural heritage was carried out. In some historical and ethnographic studies of that time, the interpretation of certain aspects of ethnic culture was biased. Understanding the beliefs of the Siberian peoples was hindered by the then widespread approach to studying the traditional worldview of the aborigines-viewing it through the prism of a Christian worldview.

The" demonization " of Erlik Khan in the Christian version was promoted by the lack of development in ethnographic science of terms that characterize certain facets of the spiritual culture of different peoples of the world, including the ethnic groups of Siberia. This was reflected primarily in the analysis of the worldview, ritual practice and such key concepts as" God "and"soul". At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, this problem was clearly identified in Western European ethnology by the famous French researcher L. Levy-Bruhl. The scientist was critical of the use of the term "soul" (in the Christian sense) when describing the thinking of primitive people, because "a sense of belonging and unity" with the vital principle dissolved in nature has nothing to do with the "spiritual guest of the body", called the soul [Levi-Bruhl, 1999, pp. 73-74]. Later, L. P. Potapov made a similar criticism of the scientific tools used in studying the beliefs of the peoples of Siberia [1991, p. 31]. This approach was also shown when considering such fundamental worldview categories as "higher power", "good and evil", "light and dark principles" , etc. [Lappo, 1905, p. 16-17]. Based on these cultural, historical and mental messages, many researchers and collectors of folklore often simplified the complex and meaningful mythological image of Erlik Khan. The result of this was an unconscious, and in some cases (by Christian missionaries) deliberate endowment of him with the features of a ruthless "fiend of hell" [Alexandrov, 1888, p.94-95].

Upon a deeper and more detailed examination of the traditional worldview of the Khakass people, it turns out that Erlik Khan was perceived by the indigenous inhabitants of the Sayano-Altai not so unambiguously. Askiz priest V. Sukhovskoy drew attention to its essential role in the ritual sphere, including in rites aimed at ensuring fertility [1884, p.300]. A well-known researcher of Altai shamanism, A.V. Anokhin, "distanced" this image from evil spirits [1924, p. 6]. In the mythological practice of the Khakas, Erlik Khan was often called Ada (zy) - "father, patron", Adam - "my father", Khara Khan - "black khan", Apsah - "old man", Khayrakhan- " master "and the epithet" kind " was often used when referring to him* (MAE Archive (Kunstkamera). F. 5. Op. 6. D. 15. L. 23-24). They believed that the continuity and well-being of life not only of an individual, but also of his family, clan, etc., depended to a large extent on his "complacency". Erlik Khan was revered and "cajoled" by all South Siberian shamanists, regardless of their ancestral affiliation. According to the materials of N. P. Dyrenkova, which are quite correlated with the Khakass ones, Teleut shamanists addressed Erlik Khan with the following words::

...Also, Han is the father!
Responding to (my) voice, come,
Responding to the call, come down!
Lying down creating,
Lying down aspiring to life,
Total Chapter,
Everyone and everything is the umbilical cord!

[Dyrenkova, 1949, p. 137].

* It is worth noting that the Turks of Southern Siberia may have used words and expressions that were directly opposite in meaning when addressing Erlik Khan (Anokhin, 1924, pp. 1-2).

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At the same time, in the mythological consciousness, natural disasters were often associated with the angry actions of Erlik Khan, demanding a new victim. The ambivalent attitude towards this deity caused a certain amount of awe and mystical fear of him and his immediate surroundings. Believers, fearing retribution, tried once again not to say his name [Burnakov, 2006, p.69, 75]. The outstanding turkologist V. V. Radlov once drew attention to such features of the Khakass and Altaian mentality as "credulity and a tendency to superstition" [1989, p.172]. The limited information about Erlik Khan is also explained by the reluctance of believers to talk to researchers on this topic due to superstitious fear of the deity of the Lower World. According to Prince N. Kostrov, who was engaged in collecting ethnographic materials among the Khakas in the mid-19th century, informants evasively answered his questions about Erlik Khan: "Yerlik Khan is so terrible that it is not even possible to portray him" [1852, p. 62].

Collecting information about the mythological character under consideration and interpreting its image was complicated by another circumstance. As is known, the priority in myforitual "interaction" with Erlik Khan belonged to shamans. Hence, they had more information about him. Researchers sometimes found it difficult to get information directly from the shamans themselves. Not the least role in this was played by the socio-psychological protective factor. When shamans communicated with representatives of other ethno-confessional communities, as well as with holders of powerful administrative powers and simply with strangers, this problem became more acute [Yakovlev, 1900, p. 115]. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, shamans were often persecuted: in the pre-revolutionary period by the Orthodox Church, and in the Soviet period by the state itself. Many of them deliberately avoided talking to researchers about these issues for their own personal safety, or gave them superficial information. These circumstances affected the general information content and, accordingly, the integrity of the image of Erlik Khan when studying the worldview and ritual practice of the Khakass people.

Erlik Khan: a variety of names and concepts

According to the traditional worldview of the Khakas, as already mentioned, Erlik Khan (Irlik Khan, Il Khan, Aina Khan, Kirei Khan) was the lord of the Lower World. The Russian population, who lived together with the Khakass people, often referred to it as Shaitan, devil, devil, Satan, evil spirits, etc. It is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the beliefs of the Khakass people in the XVIII-XX centuries were influenced by the so-called popular Orthodoxy. Apparently, the result of adapting the image of Erlik Khan to the new socio-cultural realities of that time was to endow him with demonic features of Satan (the devil), borrowed from the Christian faith. A. M. Sagalaev once drew attention to the close contacts of aboriginal shamanic and Russian folk Orthodox traditions that took place in the past [1986, p. 167]. D. E. Lappo noted that in the Khakass culture "the cult of Kudayu (the supreme deity) now gets along with shamanism on the one hand, and on the other - with Orthodoxy" [1905, p. 42].

Living in close contact with the indigenous inhabitants of Southern Siberia affected the worldview of the Russian population. Many old-timers, learning the local language, borrowing economic methods and other components of life support, simultaneously perceived individual elements of the autochthonous mythological complex. This was often expressed in respect for sacred places, performing certain ritual actions there, observing certain commercial norms and rules, etc. In this regard, we can agree with A. A. Lucidarskaya, who claims that "mystical rites brought from the mother country in the minds of the alien population were intertwined with elements of aboriginal cult practice" [2007, p. 127]. In the mythological consciousness of Russians, shamanism was more often associated with serving the "evil principle", idolatry. The outstanding Russian academician V. V. Radlov, studying the traditional worldview of the Turkic peoples in the 19th century, drew attention to the fact that the desire of shamanists to maintain good relations with the forces of darkness with the help of shamans "created the idea among the neighboring Russian population that the religion of shamanists is the religion of the devil (emphasis added - B. V.)" [1989, p. 366].

Russians, despite their superstitious fear and misgivings, still often resorted to the services of shamans. At the end of the 19th century, the well-known Siberian scholar and public figure N. M. Yadrintsev wrote about this: "Shamans and their divination made impressions on Russian Cossacks and industrialists, they learned to believe in the power of shamans and their miraculous power, turning to them in difficult cases" [1892, p. 459]. A widespread phenomenon in the 19th and 20th centuries was the presence of Russians at public sacrifices of the Khakass Taiyg (Klements, 1884; Yakovlev, 1900). In most cases, Russians turned to shamans because they believed in their supernatural powers and hoped for a quick solution to everyday problems.

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Unlike the orthodox Christian religion, which is based on the texts of the Holy Scriptures, local cults were based on close interaction with the surrounding nature. In this connection, the observations of the priest N. Orfeev are interesting, which clearly demonstrate the ethno-cultural processes at that time. As the author noted, the mythological consciousness of the Khakass people explained the cause of some natural phenomena by magical manipulations and witchcraft of the Russians (Orfeyev, 1886, p. 43).

As a consequence of the further ethnocultural interaction between the Khakass and Russian peoples, the local and borrowed names of "the lord of the other world" were often used synonymously. Often there was also a substitution of concepts. Many Khakassians, not fully proficient in the Russian language, had only a superficial knowledge of the basics of the Orthodox faith. The good and evil principles of shamanism, as it seemed to them, were identical with the concepts of the Christian God and Satan.

At the end of the 19th century, D. K. Klements drew attention to the intensive processes of Christianization of the Khakass people living near the Russian population and the transformation of their ideological sphere. The researcher stated that "under the influence of Christianity, the old shamanic deities, formerly both evil and good, all pass into the cycle of evil spirits, shaitans, devils" [Klements, 1884, pp. 9-10]. N. F. Katanov wrote down words and expressions borrowed by the Khakas from the religious terminology of the Russians. They were adapted to the specifics of the Khakass language and clearly illustrate the processes of cross-cultural interaction that took place in this area. Here are some of them:: "Chort - devil; che, chort-well, devil; kuzuruktyg, mustug chort agylganar-brought the devil with a tail and horns; chort piler kaidar-kaidar parchangmyn - the devil knows where-where I'm going" [1893, p. 60]; "Pochchy-abbreviated " fu, devil"" [1907, p. 379].

Quite often, the Khakass people used the word "shaitan" instead of "Erlik Khan" in order to make their beliefs and traditions more accessible to both the ordinary Russian population and researchers [Kostrov, 1852, p.62]. Some scholars believe that the word "shaitan" was originally borrowed by the Russians from Islam and later used by them to refer to the "evil forces" of aboriginal ethnic groups (Lvova, 1973, p.174). In the literary analysis of the Khakass pandemonium of that time, as a result of lexical substitutions, often the same character simultaneously acted as diverse independent figures with corresponding names. They allegedly differed in their specific functions [Orfeev, 1886, pp. 42-43].

Let's turn to the etymology of the word "Erlik". It should be noted that the very first mention of Erlik Khan is found in the monuments of the Orkhon-Yenisei script. The name of this deity is given in the form erklig with the meaning "strong, domineering" (Malov, 1952, p. 64). According to deep research by the well-known Turkologist S. G. Klyashtorny, Erklig is consistently correlated with the underworld in ancient Turkic written sources [1981, pp. 125-131]. S. Yu. Neklyudov, when analyzing folklore and ethnographic texts of the peoples of Siberia and Central Asia, came to a reasonable conclusion that the name of the lord of the Lower World " goes back to the ancient Uighur Erklig kagan ("mighty sovereign") - an epithet of the lord of the Buddhist hell of Yama. The nickname Nomun Khan is a Mongolian tracing of Yama's title - "king of law", "lord of faith" "(Neklyudov, 1988).

The version put forward by the famous Russian scientist-traveler and public figure G. N. Potanin is not without reason. He identified semantic series that connect the term "Erlik" with the underground space and some of its inhabitants. In the Mongolian languages, this word is rendered in the form of Erlen (hak. Irlen). The researcher associated this token with the name of animals such as a mole and a rat. G. N. Potanin, arguing his idea, cited stories common in the folklore of the Turkic and Mongolian peoples, in which these rodents were directly related to the "army" of Erlik Khan. He was their direct ruler [Potanin, 2005, p. 694]. It is worth noting that in the mythological views of the Khakas, many animals living in burrows or in water were endowed with supernatural, and sometimes harmful properties. They were perceived by the local population as being related to Erlik Khan.

Interesting information about the concept of" Erlik " was given by V. V. Radlov. The researcher recorded this word among the peoples of East Turkestan. It was related to ethnic self-identification (Radlov, 1989, p. 101). This report is of interest in the aspect that some Turkic peoples of Central Asia, most likely, associated the term " Erlik "with the concepts of" countryman"," kinsman " and correlated it with the place of residence. It is possible that this word could be a reminiscence of the concept of " one's own land, the land of one's own kind (ancestors)" or, at least, its symbolic markers. Some Turkic myths say that it was Erlik Khan who got the first land from the World Ocean, which confirmed his right to it. In this regard, the authors of the well-known work "The Traditional worldview of the Turks of Southern Siberia" rightly note:-

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chayut: "All living things that live in the ground, under the ground, in the water, were considered to belong to the Lower World" [1988, p. 5]. In addition, the earth, which was directly related to the Lower World, also represented the last refuge of man.

The relationship of Erlik Khan with the earth and its deep layers did not exclude the original belonging of this character to the Upper World, the celestial sphere, which was noted by L. P. Potapov [1991, p.255]. In the mythology of the South Siberian Turks, the first habitat of Erlik Khan was considered to be the sky. Later, according to folklore, he was overthrown on the ground, and then in the dungeon [Verbitsky, 1992, p. 122-123]. Erlik Khan's celestial localization "in the past" is indicated by its original ornithomorphic appearance. In archaic creation myths, he appears as one of the active demiurges. As already mentioned, it was Erlik Khan in the form of a flying duck who sank under the water and took out the mud from which the earth was created by Khudai (the supreme deity). However, Erlik Khan hid the rest of the silt in his mouth, and then regurgitated it on the flat surface created by Khudai, resulting in mountains, hills and swamps. Thus, according to the myth, the existing landscape of the earth was determined [Katanov, 1907, p. 246, 522, 527]. The demiurge, having created on his own initiative the conditions necessary for human life, may have predetermined his role as a progenitor.

In the Khakass, as in the Turkic, tradition, Erlik Khan is not inferior in his creative potential, ingenuity and activity to the bright supreme deity (Khudai, Ulgen, Een (Chakhys) - chayan). Sometimes he is even more creative, although his activity still carries a negative beginning to a greater extent. As the first blacksmith, Erlik Khan invented tools and created the inhabitants of the Lower World (Verbitsky, 1992, p. 90). It was believed that it was he who breathed the soul into a person. This myth has long been used by shamans to justify the fatal dependence of the soul of the deceased on the will of Erlik Khan [Potapov, 1983, p. 105].

Erlik Khan and the Lower World

As mentioned above, in the ancient Turkic language, the word "Erlik" meant "strong". This term also included such concepts as" powerful"," having power"," ruler"," ruler"," owner"," master " [Old Turkic Dictionary, 1969, p.180]. All these values indicate the high sacred status of Erlik Khan in the myth-spiritual sphere of the Turks.

According to the traditional Khakass worldview, Erlik Khan lived in the Lower World. This space was heterogeneous and divided into numerous spheres (layers). Erlik Khan lived under "17 layers of earth" (Katanov, 1907, p. 216). The mythological "stratigraphy" of the Lower World was widespread among the Sayano-Altai peoples. For example, some groups of Altaians believed that "the underground kingdom of darkness consists of nine tiers" (Radlov, 1989, p. 361). According to the beliefs of the Tuvans, "the earth has three layers, under which there are 18 hell fires (tams), in which 18 erliks are considered masters, the eldest of whom is called Erlik Khan" [Katanov, 1893, p.6]. According to the Khakas, the lord of the underworld lived in a copper palace. Its interior furnishings and furniture were gold. Erlik Khan "sat in a huge golden chair at a large golden table "(KHNKM Archive. According to other sources, he lived "under a high mountain in a stone house with forty corners" (Katanov, 1907, p. 248).

The habitat of Erlik Khan and his assistants could be the water element. As you know, in the traditional culture of the Khakass people, water (lpg) was perceived as a substance associated with the Lower World. It was often endowed with ambivalent properties [Traditional worldview..., 1988, p. 23; Burnakov, 2006, p. 42-52]. It is interesting that in the Khakass language the spring is designated hara sug - "black water". The semantics of this lexeme indicate that in the mythological consciousness, water flowing out of the ground was obviously perceived as a substance coming from the other world. It was probably endowed with properties identical to this space. Water allegedly could both revive and destroy. In the Khakass tradition, there was a concept of living (megi sug) and dead water (chabal sug). In folklore works, the story of the hero's resurrection with the help of megi sug is very common [Altyn-Aryg, 1987, p. 123]. The water used to wash the deceased was considered dead. It was believed that if a person came into contact with it or accidentally stepped on the place where it was drained, they would inevitably get sick and could later die.

In the mythological consciousness, the water element connected the Lower and Middle worlds and often served as a channel of communication between them [Traditional Worldview..., 1988, p. 75].: "The underground key is a convenient way to communicate with a distant spirit" [1884, p.297]. Not surprisingly, Erlik Khan was perceived as having

* According to another version-out of seven [Potapov, 1983, p. 103].

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attitude to the water element or as "living on the seashore", "sailing in a boat". Myths often mention his servants-erliks numbered 88 (99)*, who also live on the shore of the "black Sea" [Katanov, 1893, p. 27; Anokhin, 1924, p.4]. In one of his appeals to Erlik Khan, the shaman uttered the following words: "If there is a place of your residence, it is in the upper reaches of the Small Abakan! If there is a place for your games, it is on the shore of Bolshoy Abakan! " [Katanov, 1907, p. 558]. It should be pointed out that when describing the habitat of Erlik Khan, the epithet "covered with broomsticks"is often used. According to folklore data, a hitching post was made from this plant, located near the house of the lord of the underworld [Ibid., p. 219]. Among the Khakas, the broom tree is also called yuzyut agazy - "yuzyut tree" (PMA**). A yuzyut was the soul of a "finally" deceased person, completely gone to the ancestral world. Apparently, the broom tree was perceived as an object related to the otherworldly space and directly to Erlik Khan. Probably, such judgments were due to the very place of its growth-near reservoirs that were considered the road to another world. The Khakass belief in the possible localization of this spirit in water bodies is confirmed by the materials of I. Pestov [1833, pp. 80-81].

In Khakass folklore, Erlik Khan is often depicted as an old man with a spear or cane, which he is able to hit all living things. However, according to the shamans themselves, the lord of the Lower World appeared to them as a black giant with thick shaggy hair, a long beard and horns. "His huge red eyes were on fire. His teeth were long and hard as steel, and gleamed. He had bear claws on his hands and feet. Behind him stuck out a huge tail with a length of five fathoms" (KHNKM Archive. Manuscript of Tenishev, l. 8). In the mythology of other South Siberian Turks, the appearance of the lord of the underworld has a certain similarity with the description presented (Anokhin, 1924, p. 3).

In the mythopoetic tradition of the Khakass, the hyperbolized image of Erlik Khan, saturated with all sorts of demonic signs, clearly preserved the features of a person (an old man, a man). At the same time, his life activity, needs, desires, etc.were "humanized" [Yakovlev, 1900, p. 119]. In one of the shamanic invocations, he was addressed with the following words::

Hara argymaha mingen
Hara albaga ton kisken
Хара чылан хамчы тудынган
Hara kashi chugennig,
Hara uzun sagallig
Hoochak chetpes pellig
Harysh chetpes habakhtyg
Erlik Khan chakhshy pozin
Эр алдына кулеп-кел.

Riding on argamak,
Wearing a black sable coat,
With a black snake whip,
With a bridle made of black straps,
With a long black beard,
With a back that you can't reach with your hand,
With a forehead longer than a quarter,
Good Erlik Khan,
Fly to me, the man.

MAE Archive (Kunstkamera). f. 5. Op. 6. D. 15. L. 23ob. -24

In the traditional worldview of the Turkic peoples, the division of space was carried out both vertically (models of the world tree and mountain) and horizontally (according to the cardinal directions). In this sense, the observations of V. P. Dyakonova, who noted the diversity of ideas about the location of the world of the dead among the Sayan-Altai Turks, are interesting [1975, p.49]. The polyvariativity of its localization is also characteristic of the Khakass tradition [Mainagashev, 1915, p. 287; Katanov, 1893, p. 90].

The Khakass world of the dead was often called Yuzyut-khanyn chiri - "land of Yuzyut Khan" or simply Yuzyut chiri - "land of the Yuzyuts". According to traditional beliefs, the soul of the deceased person (yuzyut), having moved to the otherworldly space, was completely at the mercy of Erlik Khan, who was also called Yuzyut Khan. They believed that he had the highest judicial function. By his strong-willed, impartial decision, the lord of the underworld supposedly determines the fate of deceased people. Apparently, these views were formed under the significant influence of world religions with their idea of posthumous retribution [Katanov, 1907, p. 215; Orpheev, 1886, p.43].

All of the above allows us to agree with the assumption put forward by MS Usmanova that in the archaic mythological consciousness of the Khakass people, Erlik Khan correlated with the image of an ancestor [1985, p.154]. This is supported by the already mentioned names of the lord of the underworld: Adazy - "father, patron", Adam - "my father". Moreover, according to the materials of V. Suho vek go, representatives of Seok hyi called Erlik Khan their ancestor [1884, p. 298]. Linguistic data do not contradict this assumption either. In the Turkic languages, the basis Er/Ir is translated as "male", "male" [Ce-

* According to other versions of the myths, the number of Erlik Khan's closest assistants is seven to nine Erliks (Katanov, 1893, p. 30; 1907, p. 215, 219-220, 248).

** Author's field materials.

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vortyan, 1974, p. 288]. In addition, the Khakass people had a widespread custom of dedicating sacred horses (yzykhs) to various deities. Many of them were perceived by believers as ancestors. In this regard, N. F. Kaganov noted: "Tatars living on the banks of the Abakan River, and now, and in former times, chose the best horse from the herd and dedicated it to Erlik Khan, calling it "yzykh "" [1907, p. 216]. In the Khakass tradition, Erlik Khan was the patron saint of the red (red) yzykhs (Katanov, 1893, p. 29). As is known, in the culture of this people, the red color correlated with a number of concepts, the most striking of which were "blood", "fire", "kinship", "life" (Burnakov, 2006, p.52-66). The rules related to the transfer of yzykh are of interest. In the event of the death of the owner of the sacred animal, it passed into the possession of his brother (Katanov, 1907, p. 291). These institutions illustrate the norms of traditional Khakass society with predominant patriarchal features. Apparently, yzykh as a family shrine directly related to its ancestor, Erlik Khan, was passed on to male relatives. Actually, this is indicated by the etymology of the terms erlik - "strong", er - "man".

The connection of the ruler of the Lower World with the cult of ancestors is also evidenced by the fact that according to the religious and mythological views of the Khakass, Erlik Khan was the main patron of all shamans, many received their initiation directly from him. In their prayer invocations, the Khakass Kams called Erlik Khan the lord, father, and creator of the human soul (Burnakov, 2006, p. 69). It was believed that he passed on to the new shaman tesov-patron spirits and helper spirits left "as a legacy" from the deceased shamans of his kind, determined which ones to make a tambourine, a mallet, etc. [Alekseev, 1984, p. 58-59; Butanaev, 2006, p. 68-69]. Similar ideas are also found in the Shors [Potapov, 1947, p. 164].

There is another fact that points to the connection of Erlik Khan with the cult of ancestors. In the Khakass culture, the tradition of making images of the Tesov ancestors was widespread. : "Among the Kachin Tatars, there is a wooden ongon (tes. - B. V.) called Irlik-haan agaste" [2005, p. 700]. A. N. Gladyshevsky, a researcher of Khakass shamanism, also mentions the production of an Irlik-tesa in the form of a little man with outstretched arms in the past by the Khakass people [1954, p. 105]. It is quite possible that in the materials of N. F. Katanov this fetish is designated as an unnamed tes, "decorated with red ribbons". Special attention is drawn to the individual prayer calls addressed to him during the ritual actions: "You, the king of the earth and the son of heaven, decorated with red ribbons, do not destroy people." In addition, a red-hued yzykha was dedicated to this tesu, as well as to Erlik Khan [1907, p. 568].

The most important role assigned to the lord of the Lower World in the worldview and ritual practice of the Khakass people contributed to the preservation of the theonym "Erlik Khan". This word has not disappeared from everyday use and, having shown amazing stability, has come down to our days [Burnakov, 2006, p. 68]. Moreover, in the wake of the second Christianization (Protestantisation) of the indigenous peoples of Southern Siberia, which actively began in the late 1980s, the image of Erlik Khan was again updated. Protestant missionaries, following the path of their Christian (Orthodox) predecessors, directed their efforts to adapt the Biblical faith to the culture of these peoples. When translating the Holy Scriptures and other religious literature into local languages, they widely used vocabulary and images from the mythology of the indigenous population of Siberia. In particular, Erlik Khan was identified with the biblical devil / Satan.

Conclusion

Summing up, it can be stated that in the traditional worldview of the Khakass people, the image of Erlik Khan had ambiguous characteristics. Initially, he was perceived as one of the main and active deities-demiurges. Subsequently, this image was transformed into the lord of evil forces with the corresponding attributes. Apparently, in the past, the lord of the world of the dead was directly related to the cult of ancestors, which was reflected both in the shamanistic vocabulary and in the myth-ritual complex of the Khakass people. In its main features, the idea of Erlik Khan was formed in the ancient Turkic period. Probably, from the same period, under the influence of Buddhism and Christianity, his image and status began to undergo significant changes. From the category of pagan deities, Erlik Khan was relegated to the rank of the ruler of evil with the appropriate characteristics of a bloodthirsty and merciless demon. He was given the odious role of the" devouring " source of evil, the main enemy of man, as well as the highest judicial function. Khakass ideas about Erlik Khan were developed in line with common Turkic traditions, as a result of which there is a similarity with the religious and mythological views of the Turkic and Mongolian peoples living in neighboring territories.

List of literature

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The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 10.03.09.

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