UDC 391

The article deals with the local model of environmental management of the Buryats of the Eastern Prisayanya. The article describes traditional types of nomadic cattle breeding, their transformation in the forest-steppe, foothill and high-mountain zones, where the integrated economy has become widespread. Uprisay Buryats are marked by different forms of cattle breeding. The differences are due to the peculiarities of the natural landscape environment, the size of pasture, the number and species composition of livestock, as well as the level of development of agriculture. Despite all the changes in the structure and nature of production activities and economic cycles of the Buryats of the Eastern Prisayanye, their culture remained cattle-breeding.

Keywords: Buryats of the Eastern Prisayanya, models of nature management, types and forms of cattle breeding.

The borders of the Eastern Prisayanye cover the Tunkinsky, Okinsky and Zakamensky districts of the modern Republic of Buryatia. The ethnic core of the Buryats settled here are Khongodors. Cattle breeding of the Buryats of the Eastern Prisayanya is of considerable interest for research due to the specifics of the models of development of various natural and climatic conditions of the region. There is no doubt that when we try to introduce nomadism of different peoples into one generally accepted classification, we cannot fully reveal many existing forms of cattle breeding, since they depended on a large number of factors - natural and climatic conditions, state policy and economy, as well as the traditions of a particular nomadic community.

Traditionally, the Buryats had several types of nomadic cattle breeding. An economic and cultural type based on year-round nomadism was introduced in the arid zone. Buryats of the subarid zone made two or four migrations a year. Two migrations are typical for Buryats, who kept mainly cattle of the Mongolian breed, as well as for those who had yaks on their farm. Buryats who roamed 2 times, from September to May lived permanently, from the end of May to the beginning of September they went to letniki. Pastoralists who roamed 4 times or more lived in the winter camp for five months, and in the summer camps for three months; short-term spring and autumn camps were two months each. Over time, the length of time spent at spring, autumn, and summer sites decreased, while the length of time spent at winter sites increased. This form of cattle breeding persisted until the mid-1930s in the eastern and part of western Buryats (Mikhailov, 1996, p. 130). In remote areas of Buryatia, the herd is still being driven from summer to winter holidays.

The mountainous landscape of Prisayanya caused vertical seasonal migrations of Buryats. Vertical nomadism is typical for representatives of Central (Mongols, Tuvans, Altaians) and Central (Kazakhs, Kirghiz) Asia, inhabiting mountainous regions (Vainshtein, 1972, pp. 66-68). According to G. E. Markov, mountain vertical cattle breeding was fairly uniform, although there were some peculiarities in different natural and climatic conditions [1979, p. 276]. The type of cattle-breeding economy localized in the river and near-lake valleys of the forest-steppe zone, the foothill and high-mountain strip of the Eastern Prisayanye, had peculiar characteristics.-

page 104
It also differed from pastoral farms in desert and semi-desert zones.

The system of nomadism in arid areas was based on a relatively uniform network of wells, the optimal distance between which did not exceed 10 - 20 km; the minimum water reserves were sufficient for daily maintenance of 200 heads of cattle or horses, 500 - 600 sheep. The increased frequency of migration, which in some groups reached 100-120 migrations during the year, determined the short duration of stops and the huge amplitude of migrations [Masanov, 1991, p. 20]. The amplitude of migrations was influenced by the terrain and climate of the area, the area of pastures, and the number of livestock on farms. Large water reserves and higher productivity of the Prisayanye vegetation cover did not require frequent and long migrations. Prisayansk Buryats made two or four migrations a year or more along a certain route, had permanent residential and cattle buildings on winter and summer roads, as well as on autumn and spring camps.

The number and distance of migrations among the Buryats of the Prisayanye region depended on the structure of the economy. The integrated economy has become widespread in this region. Pastoralists who were engaged in agriculture roamed 2 times a year, and those who did not have arable land made four migrations a year or more. Many farms of the Prisayansk Buryats were characterized by stationary maintenance of livestock in winter.

In the areas of Prisayanya, where there was little snow and more pasture, cattle grazed on pasture all winter. Cattle were brought to otava. Until December, cattle grazed in the lowlands, and from December to March-on mountain slopes that are usually not covered with snow, especially on the southern slopes (uber), protected from cold northern winds. Cattle (in particular, yaks) in search of grass climbed high into the mountains, and children looked after them so that they did not go far. Since March, cattle have been grazing again in the valleys, where the snow is melting fast under the rays of the spring sun.

The herd horses were grazed all year round without top dressing. The herd consisted of two or three shoals of 20-35 heads. Purebred stallions were placed at the head of each school, which protected the herd from the attack of predators, the invasion of horses from other groups. A good stallion could lead 20 to 30 mares, and a very strong stallion could lead up to 35. Day and night, the herds were supervised by a shepherd. In winter, they were driven into the fence at night, and in the morning they were released to pasture. Night grazing of horses was called manazha kharakha ("night round of the herd").

In the spring, when the mares began to foal, the herd was looked after especially carefully. Wolves, which lived in large numbers in the Prisayanye region, caused great harm to the cattle breeding of the Prisayanye Buryats (Bakshevich, 1856, p. 52). The shepherd spent the whole night going around the herd, delivering babies and driving away the wolves.

Working horses were always grazing near the house, because they could be needed by the owner at any moment. Prisayansk Buryats, as a rule, kept the working horse in a hobbled state, so that it could be easily caught if necessary. With the onset of heat, three-and four-year-old stallions were separated from the herds and trained to ride under the saddle. Before the appearance of flies and mosquitoes, the owners neutered trained young horses (PMA, informant Sh. A. Syrenova). At the same time, new schools of young horses were being formed (PMA, informants V. Kh. Dansaronov, S. P. Padanov).

There were relatively few sheep in Prisayanye, so they were kept in a pen in winter, feeding hay in the morning and evening. Sheep are very picky about grass. If the cow eats all the hay without a trace, then the sheep chooses the best herbs from the hay given out. Sheep eat vegetation much faster, so they were grazed and fed hay separately from cows in winter and summer. On letniki, sheep grazed not far from the camp, on hills and hills where there is more salt marsh vegetation and there is no moisture and dampness. They were usually herded by children. In the summer, before sunrise, the sheep were driven out to pasture so that they would be satisfied before the midday heat, during the day they were driven into the fence (hashaan), and in the evening, when it became cool, they were sent to pasture. At night, the animals were locked in special pens. Mongols, Altaians, Kazakhs, and other nomads also grazed sheep (Vainshtein, 1972, p. 23). The sheep fence was designed so that wolves and dogs could not enter through it. The area of the fenced area corresponded to the number of sheep - there should have been no free space left on it. This was done so that if wolves and dogs approached, the rams could not rush from corner to corner (PMA, informant Sh.A. Syrenova).

Sometimes Prisayansk Buryats in the summer gave their sheep to farms where there were better pastures. A combined flock of 150-160 heads is usually grazed by an adult shepherd. He had a gun to protect the animals from wolves. In the fall, the owners took their sheep, paying the shepherd for work.

The lack of livestock in the summer on winter roads allowed the Buryats to save mowing and crops from damage. Prisayansk Buryats fenced off winter gardens and hayfields so that cattle would not trample the grass on them. The area of such poskotins was different. It depended on the size of the land and the number of farms that participated in the settlement. A hedge surrounded a grazing area several acres in size-

page 105

Map-scheme of Prisayanye with nomadic routes.

It stretched for many tens of kilometers through the lands of several Buryat clans (Batueva, 1992, p. 29). A fence made of larch poles was considered durable. It was quite high (150-160 cm) - at the level of the horse's head (PMA, informant E. P. Syrenov). Building a fence is a time-consuming process. Two or three families conspired and jointly fenced off the land that was in their use. Plots were allocated by the community headman.

A common fence was built by all the locals in a single line through the mountains, valleys and forest, separating the winter fields with mowing and crops from the summer fields. Each cattle farm was allocated a section of fence for poskotina. In the spring, the owner who was responsible for a certain section of poskotina had to repair and hand over his section of the public fence to the community headman. A person who passed through the poskotina area of which cattle passed and committed slaughter had to pay a fine (PMA, informant L. N. Ikhineev).

The practice of hay harvesting, which spread in Prisayanye, contributed to the transformation of the traditional nomadic economy. However, the nomadic farms of the Prisayansk Buryats persisted until the 1930s, when collectivization began. According to M. O. Mogordoev, in 1931 the Zakamensk Buryats had 670 nomadic and 1,350 semi - nomadic farms, while the Tunka and Okin Buryats had 380 and 2,640 farms, respectively [1952, pp. 54-55].

The Zakamensk and Okinsk Buryats had more farms that made four migrations a year or more than the Tunka Buryats. This is primarily due to the fact that in the Tunka Valley, located relatively close to the city of Irkutsk, the influence of the Russian population was strongly manifested. In Tunka, agriculture began to be practiced earlier and on a larger scale than in Zakamna. The Okin Buryats had no arable land at all. In the Zakamensk department, agriculture developed only in the lower reaches of the Dzhida Valley up to the area of Dutelur (Galdanova, 1992, p. 38) (see figure).

The Tunka Buryats, who were engaged in agriculture, underwent changes in the management of cattle breeding. Tunkintsy had fewer livestock than Zakamensk and Okin Buryats. With the beginning of subsidence, the predominant place in the economy of the Tunka Buryats began to be occupied by cattle, which were also used in agricultural work. The distances and duration of nomadic movements were reduced; their number gradually decreased by the beginning of the 20th century. In winter, the Tunka Buryats grazed their flocks in the valleys and fed all their livestock, except for herd horses. They did not have winter pastures in the mountains (except for the Monda Buryats). This was due to the fact that on the northern side the Tunka basin is covered with dense taiga, behind it rise steep cliffs of Tunka chars. There were no high-altitude meadows on the southern slopes. In the winter-spring period, due to the deterioration of the grass stand and a decrease in the hay produced, adult cows lost up to 20% in weight [Rost..., 1956, p. 5]. If the cattle did not gain enough weight during the summer, then they died the next winter. Some of the Tunka Buryats had two winter camps. One was the main one; they kept dairy cows, calves and sheep, which were looked after by women and children. On the second floor, the rest of the cattle were kept and tended by men. Some of the cattle stayed here all winter or for several months, depending on the amount of hay harvested in the summer [Molodykh, Kulakov, 1896, p. 9].

P. Rovinsky, who visited the Tunka department in the early 1870s, wrote: "... a Buryat always has two, or even three, or even four yurts in different places, in which he spends time according to the season, he has a summer house and a winter house, and separate yurts for spring and autumn. These movements are made, of course, for economic purposes, for the sake of the convenience of the cattle: where there is a cozy place between the forest or in some paddy, closed from the prevailing harsh wind, he feeds the cattle in winter; in spring he goes higher from the water to pastures; in summer he lives where he is brought to mow; in autumn on the mown field. who lets the cattle pass-

page 106
he walks closer to the forest" [1875, p. 250]. Apparently, P. Rovinsky meant that part of the Tunka Buryats who were mainly engaged in cattle breeding and migrated more than 2 times a year.

The vast majority of Tunka Buryats, who occupied the most extensive Tunka Valley - Torskaya and Tunkinskaya-migrated no more than 2 times a year. In the annual report of the Tunka Steppe Duma for 1861, it was reported: "Tunka foreigners roam twice from one place to another at a distance of 3 to 15 versts. In the 1st, at the end of May, from winter yurts to summer ones, where they live for three months, the reason for their nomadism is that the best haymaking grasses grow on the winter dwellings they leave, which are called utugi, and, in the 2nd, from September, after mowing those grasses and harvesting hay, they wander into haystacks back to where they live for the rest of the year. In the summer, foreigners prepare fallow lands for sowing various kinds of grain, prepare hay for livestock, fish for animals, and also prepare firewood for the annual proportion" (Case of the Tunka Steppe Duma on statistical data and the annual report for 1861-NARB, f. 171, op. 1, d. 29, l. 118).

In the summer, some of the Tunka pastoralists went with their herds to the mountainous area of Uri, located within Mongolia. The Buryats got there through a pass, along a rocky mountain path. After the Civil War, access to these pastures was closed. In the 1960s, under an agreement with the Government of Mongolia, the local population again received permission to graze public livestock in Uri in the summer. With the beginning of the collapse of agriculture during the period of perestroika, the cattle drive to Mongolia stopped (PMA, informant S. G. Padanov).

Buryats of the Turan and Khoitogol basins also roamed only 2 times: from the winter camp to the summer camp and back; the Khoitogol basin was a winter camp, and the Turan Basin was a summer camp. The distance between winter roads and summer roads was 10-18 km. Cattle at the winter camp in the Khoitogol ulus could not be kept on pasture all year round, because the water meadows were covered with snow and covered with ice in winter. Here we had to store a lot of hay for the winter (PMA, informant Sh. A. Syrenov). The Monda Buryats, who lived on the border with the vast steppes of Mongolia, did not feel a lack of pastures and therefore made two migrations a year or more over long distances. In winter, they used the meadows of Mongolia, driving all their cattle there. After the 1917 Revolution, the free passage to the territory of Mongolia was closed [Poltoradnev, 1929, p. 104].

Among the Buryats of the upper reaches of the Zakamna River, seasonal cyclical migrations due to the movement of the herd from one pasture to another were performed by adult able-bodied family members (mostly young men). Each population group knew well the routes of their seasonal migrations; the pastures were fixed. For example, a part of the Buryats who inhabited the Tsagan-Morin ulus and its environs lived in the Khontoboy area in the summer, moved to the Mele area in the fall, where a lot of otava (young grass grown on a mown plot) and dry grass (hagdan) were preserved, then migrated to the Baruun Khondino area, then to Zeerenkhe. With the onset of winter, they returned to Tsagan-Morin; the animals lived on dry grass in winter zaimki, they were fed hay.

In the Zakamensk Buryats, all cattle were fed with hay in the winter months (Aksenova M. Ya. Yaks and hainaks of Buryats-Mongolia. - KHVRK BSC SB RAS, inv. N 953, 72 l.). Adult cattle of Okin Buryats received almost no top dressing. Hay was distributed to calves, animals of weak fatness and working cattle. When the supply of hay ran out, the Zakamensk Buryats moved with the herd to Khontoboy (there was also a supply of hay prepared in the summer); this migration coincided with the onset of Sagaalgan (the Buddhist New Year, usually celebrated in February). Pastoralists stayed in Khontoboy for about two months (March and April); after using up their hay reserves, they moved to other places - Mele and Khondino (Galdanova, 1992, pp. 51-52).

The Zakamensk Buryats, who lived in the Shara-Azarga and Engorboy localities, had summer nomads on the territory of Mongolia. Vasily Dasheyevich Zhargalov, a resident of Shara-Azarga, born in 1939, told a remarkable story: "My grandfather had a summer school in Mongolia in the area of Dede Hubshe. This area is located about 70 km from the village of Shara-Azarga. I was there when I was hunting. The road leading there is very difficult. Horses break down and fall off the mountain path" (PMA). Residents of the village Engorboi confirmed the existence of their flyers in Mongolia before 1917.

Buryats, who inhabited the lower reaches of the Zakamna River, drove cattle from the winter field to the summer field and back 2 times a year. In terms of the form of cattle breeding, they were similar to the Tunka Buryats.

The nomads of the Okin Buryats were located in two areas that differed in terrain, size of pastures and hayfields. In one of them, in the early 1920s, there were 139 cattle farms, in the second-211 [Nikonov, 1926, pp. 97-98].

In the first one (from Gargan to the mouth of the Tisa River, the valley of the Tisa River). The Oka River with its adjacent paddies and the Khonchen and Khamodon rivers) were dominated by narrow deep paddies that were not warmed by the sun during winter thaws. In the summer, these paddies were swampy and did not allow making hay reserves. The pastures in this area were stretched with a narrow ribbon. Local Buryats made four migrations a year or more. Winter forests were concentrated in the Oka Valley, mainly at the mouths of rivers and streams. Years-

page 107
the nicks lay in the upper reaches of the tributaries. Spring and autumn parking lots of most farms were located in the same place, usually between summer and winter roads. In the autumn camps, a small amount of hay was prepared for spring. They lived in the spring camps from the beginning of snowmelt to the appearance of an abundance of new grass on the summer roads. The length of the autumn campsite depended on the amount of pasture (often two to three weeks). In winter, if there was a lot of snow that made grazing food inaccessible, small cattle and a few cash cows were left in the winter house, and all the large cattle were driven to the mountains. For such migrations, several farms were united. Adult male shepherds grazed their cattle in the mountains. Sometimes shepherds were hired from outside for this purpose. They lived in hastily constructed yurts, and sometimes in tents. A felt yurt was a great luxury here.

The nomads of the second district moved less with their herds than the pastoralists of the first district. Territory of the second district (the entire northern part of Hoshun, including Tissa Pad) it abounded in wide paddies, where haymaking could be done anywhere. Farms here were less mobile. They also harvested hay on summer roads for winter fodder for livestock (Nikonov, 1926, p. 98). Most of them made two migrations a year; only exceptional winter conditions forced them to drive their cattle far away from their encampments in search of food. According to informants, before the Civil War, the Okin Buryats roamed freely with their cattle to Mongolia in hungry winters (there were no difficulties crossing the border), thanks to which they saved their flocks from death. After the closure of the border with Mongolia, livestock deaths from starvation began to occur annually.

The structure of nomadism determined the way of life of the Buryats of the Eastern Prisayanye. Traditional pastoral practices formed a system of knowledge on the ecology of meadows and pastures, adaptive and behavioral characteristics of animals. Pastoral knowledge was passed down by the Buryats from generation to generation. The cattleman must have known which grasses were suitable for horses and which for cattle, which grass was preferred by sheep and which by goats. He was supposed to know at what time of year this or that grass in the steppe or mountains is suitable for animals, and when it is harmful and even dangerous for them. There is, for example, a variety of feather grass, the seeds of which, when ripe, become prickly and can injure the mucous membrane of the oral cavity, the skin of animals.

Buryats distinguish between "strong" and "weak" grass, they know plants that produce denser or softer fat in animals. Experienced shepherds name up to 100 types of forage plants, and can explain their impact on feeding and the state of the animal. Any herb was considered nutritious if it could be plucked from the root and had a sweet taste. The quality of grass was determined by the horse droppings left on the pasture: if it is large and whole, but not hard and colored black, then the grass on the pasture was juicy and nutritious. Grass was considered bad in wooded areas, and good on higher ground. A pasture where many mouse stocks of grass were found was considered suitable [Batueva, 1992, p. 31].

Shepherds had to have a good knowledge of animals, their habits, hierarchy, place in the herd, productive characteristics, fecundity, and much more. This helped them to clearly manage the herd, choose one or another method of grazing. An experienced shepherd could calmly control the herd from afar with the help of sounds and gestures. Knowledge of animal behavior made work easier and more productive [Pomishin, 1993, pp. 31-33].

In late summer and early autumn, the cattle became quite plump. With the end of haymaking operations, poskotins were opened and one part of the Buryats moved to autumn, and the other - to winter camps. The Buryats, who had a large number of cattle, migrated to the autumn camps, where they stood until late autumn. Poor cattlemen moved immediately to winter camps. During the winter holidays in the autumn period, Tunkinsky and part of Zakamensk Buryats harvested ripe bread.

Tunkinsky and eastern part of Zakamensk Buryats (nomadic 2 times) lived in winter camps from the beginning of September to the first days of June. For Buryats who spent more than two migrations, this period was shorter by a month: it lasted approximately from October to May. At the end of the XIX century, farms appeared in Prisayanye (2 - 3%), which were on a winter holiday all year round. They belonged to rich Buryats, who sent their flocks to summer camps with hired shepherds, while they themselves stayed to live in the winter camp.

When changing the pasture from summer to winter, the cattle were driven slowly, because with rapid movement, the animals lost weight. Prisayansk Buryats believed that in the autumn and winter periods they should try to preserve the fat accumulated over the summer for cattle. This, in their opinion, will allow the animals to survive the spring without losses.

Winter camps were located in sheltered areas, not far from mountains and forests, in lowlands and depressions, where the grass was thickest and tallest. Permanent insulated houses, barns, barns, and cattle houses were located here. Zimniki with many wooden buildings resembled villages in which the dwellings were separated from each other by 100 - 300 m.

On winter roads and summer roads, the Prisayansk Buryats lived in communities consisting of two or three families. All the families were close relatives. Here the families of the father and sons settled. Such a bloodline-

page 108
the local nomadic unit was called "buluk" (buleg). Its members ran the household together. The cattle were in common use. The head of the household was, as a rule, the father. After his death, the farm was managed by his eldest son. The distance between the buluks in the Buryats of Prisayanya was approximately 2-3 km. The sites of nomadic Buryats were 10-20 km apart.

With the onset of heat, all residents of the area went to summer camps. Before leaving for Letniki, the Buryats held a rite of prayer to the owners of the area, so that they would contribute to a safe migration. For example, in the area of Khoito-Gol, three days before departure, they prayed near the Burkhan-Babai mountain and performed the rite of sacrifice to the patron saint of the area. Then, for two days in a row, lamas read the prayer book "Em" in the village itself, and after that, they rode around the winter roads of Hoito-Gol 3 times on horseback, performing the goroo rite (ritual detour, posolon). During the goroo, lamas carried with them a prayer book "Em" (PMA, informant Sh. A. Syrenova). After the migration, no one stayed in the winter camps, all the cattle were driven to the summer camps. Even very poor pastoralists, who had one or two cows, moved to letniki. The winter buildings remained empty. Extra baggage, if available, was left in the barns.

Having migrated to Letniki, Prisayansk Buryats performed sacred rituals of taylagana, related to the economic cycle and dedicated to the sky, earth-water and spirits-owners of the area. During tailagan, the shaman called on the main spirit, the patron saint of the area, and asked him to provide pastures with good herbage, promote the fatness of domestic animals, protect them from diseases and other troubles [Shaglanova, 2002, p.218, 220]. At the end of taylagan, wrestling competitions, horse races were organized, and in the evening they danced eohor (Buryat round dance). The traditional economy determined the life culture and regulatory practices of Buryats. In the Eastern Prisayanye, traditions were formed that were distinguished by local originality.

The Prisayansk Buryats have different forms of cattle breeding, due to the nature of the natural landscape environment, the size of the pasture, the number and species composition of livestock, as well as the development of agriculture. A characteristic feature of cattle breeding of the Prisayansk Buryats of the early XX century was a short migration over a relatively short distance. The Buryats who were engaged in agriculture had fewer nomads than the pastoralists who did not have arable land. At each parking lot, the Buryats of Prisayanya built stationary dwellings. However, despite all the changes in the structure and nature of production activities and economic cycles of the Buryats of the Eastern Prisayanye, their culture retained a pastoral orientation.

List of literature

Bakshevich I. Description of the Irkut River from the Tunka River to its confluence with the Angara River. - St. Petersburg, 1856. - Book 1. - P. 1-53.

Batueva I. B. Buryats at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. - Ulan-Ude: East. - Siberian State Institute of Culture; Social and Scientific Center "Siberia", 1992. -67 p.

Vainshtein S. I. Istoricheskaya etnografiya tuvintsev [Historical ethnography of Tuvans], Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1972, 312 p.

Galdanova G. R. Zakamenskiye buryaty: Etnograficheskie ocherki [Zakamensk Buryats: Ethnographic essays]. Novosibirsk: Nauka Publ., 1992, 173 p. (in Russian)

Markov E. E. Istoriya khozyaistva i material'noi kul'tury (v pervobytnom i ranneklassovom obshchestve) [History of economy and Material culture (in primitive and early class society)], Moscow: Moscow State University Press, 1979, 304 p.

Masanov N. E. Specifics of social development of nomads-Kazakhs in the pre-revolutionary period: Historical and ecological aspects of nomadism: Abstract of the dissertation of Doctor of Historical Sciences, Moscow, 1991, 47 p.

Mikhailov T. M. Traditsii nomadicheskoi kul'tury u sovremennykh buryat [Traditions of nomadic culture in modern Buryats]. Nomadism, past and present in a global context and historical perspective: Tez. Dokl. - Ulan-Ude, 1996. - Part 1. - pp. 129-132.

Mogordoev, M. O., Some data on the sedimentation of semi-nomadic and nomadic farms in Buryat Mongolia in connection with collectivization, Zap. Buryat, scientific research. institute of Culture. - 1952. - Vol. 14. - p. 35-62.

Molodykh I. A., Kulakov P. E. An illustrated description of the everyday life of the rural population of the Irkutsk province. - St. Petersburg: [P. O. Yablonsky's Steam skoropechatnya], 1896. - 242 p.

Nikonov I. Khozyaistvo Okinskogo khoshuna [Economy of the Okinsky khoshun]. - 1926. - N 10/12. - p. 95-102.

Poltoradnev P. Fur trade in the Tunkinsky district/ / Life of Buryatia. - 1929. - N 1. - p. 99-106.

Pomishin S. B. Potential of nomadic animal husbandry in the Baikal region. Ulan-Ude: Olzon Publ., 1993, 43 p.

Rovinsky P. Ocherki Vostochnoi Sibiri [Essays on Eastern Siberia], Part 4/5: Tunka. St. Petersburg, 1875, Issue 11, pp. 230-255.

Rost i produktivnost ' zhivotnykh pri krugodovom pastichnogo soderzhanii [Growth and productivity of animals in year-round pasture maintenance], Moscow: Izd-vo AN SSSR, 1956, 90 p. (Proc. of the Mongolian Commission; issue 69).

Shaglanova O. A. Village-wide summer tailgan of Tunkin Buryats // The World of Central Asia: Materials of the International Scientific Conference, Vol. 1: Archeology. Ethnology. Ulan-Ude Publ., 2002, pp. 216-222.

The article was submitted to the Editorial Board on 06.03.06.

page 109

Permanent link to this publication: