Anton Pritula

Syriac Poetry in the Mongol Time: From Monastery Cells to Royal Tents

Anton Pritula - Head of the Byzance and Near East Section, Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum (Saint Petersburg, Russia). pritulanna@googlemail.com

The Syriac poetry of the 11-14th centuries (so-called Syriac Renaissance) has been studied very poorly so far. One of the reasons is a traditional approach of the scholars, who treated this poetry as secondary to the strongly developed Islamic literature. The reason for changing of its character was the final fall of the Caliphate (1258) and the emergence of a new state in the area of Iran and Iraq with the Mongol dynasty, headed by Ilkhans (Hulaguids). The tolerance and sympathies of the rulers towards Christianity allowed the Syriac tradition to reach the royal palace, which also influenced the poetic style. In the article, an attempt is made to show how the poetry reflected political and social life of that period. Besides, it is argued that it had its original features, which were the result of the synthesis of its own traditions and the achievements of the Islamic culture. One of the creators of this new style was Gregory Bar 'Ebroyo (1226 - 1286), a famous West-Syrian philosopher and scientist. His aesthetics was further developed by his East-Syrian contemporary Khamis bar Qardahe of Arbela, who used sophisticated rhythm and rhyme schemes to achieve a stronger effect on the royal court elite.

Keywords: Syriac Poetry, Eastern Christianity, medieval literature, Mongol invasion, Islamic literature, royal court poetry, mysticism.

Introduction. Poetry and the Medieval Middle East

CHRISTIAN medieval poetry, unlike, for example, Muslim poetry, has one important dimension - the liturgical one. It manifests itself in the fact that the author, in addition to readers,

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he also gains listeners, as well as many voices-performers who experience his ego as their own. Since in medieval society the liturgical life was almost the main one, such poetry had the widest audience and was oriented to all age and social categories, and most importantly, it did not require literacy for its perception. This puts it on a par with the visual program of churches and monasteries, addressed to all, even the completely uneducated segments of the population. The latter, of course, could not but affect the nature of such poetry, the choice of means used, which should be easy to understand by ear, understandable in terminology and syntax to the widest possible range. In addition, the size of such works is also limited. Even the most extensive of them should not exceed the limit stipulated by the time frame of the divine service, even if it was the longest, monastic one.

This direction (or dimension) has been inherent in Syriac poetry since its heyday in the fourth and sixth centuries. (the stanzas of Madrasha and, especially, their variety - sogita). As a result, there is a tradition of presenting various topics, whether it is a figurative retelling of biblical stories or a theological explanation of holidays, in a form intended for choral performance. In the era of Islamic domination (since the seventh century), when the Syriac language was gradually replaced by Arabic, and Christianity became a minority religion, one of the tasks of this category of poetry was to preserve and explain the centuries-old tradition for a wide audience. In addition, Syriac poetry had to compete with Arabic, and then with Persian, from which it adopted rhyme and various poetic figures. The time of the first Mongol raids (20 - 30s of the XIII century) coincided with the highest flourishing of hymnography, which in some cases acquired an epic character, describing the destruction of cities, famine and other social disasters. It is possible that these two phenomena are interrelated, and unprecedented disasters and misadventures required a clear explanation to contemporaries. As a result, a huge collection of chants was created under the name "Varda" ("Rose"), attributed to the poet Givagis Varda, about whose life almost nothing is known.1
1. See: Pritula A.D. East Syriac Hymnographic collection of Warda: XIII-XVI centuries (Christian East, 7 / XIII). St. Petersburg: State Hermitage Publishing House, 2014.

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The second direction of medieval poetry is inherent in both the Syrian Christian tradition and many others. This is the presentation of knowledge, scientific, theological, philosophical, in poetic form. This form was known in the early days of Syriac book writing; it dates back to the memra genre developed by Ephraim the Syrian (IV c.), Narsai (V c.), and Jacob of Sarug (VI c.). However, in the Islamic era, obviously also not without Arabic influence, this genre gave rise to entire poetic encyclopedias, a number of poetic grammars, treatises, reference books were written. Such literature includes, for example, the voluminous opus of Elijah of Anbar (tenth century), bishop of Perbz-Shabor, a city west of Baghdad; this treatise consists of several extensive poetic chapters (memr) and deals with a variety of questions of theology: from the creation of the world to the peculiarities of nature 2. The language and mode of presentation of such poetry often differs greatly from the simpler and more concise liturgical texts. The flourishing of this genre is also associated with attempts to systematize its own tradition and the need to compete with the Islamic one. In general, this direction fits well into the paradigm of medieval culture: knowledge is transmitted by monks-scribes, bearers of scholarship.

The third dimension of medieval poetry, due to various circumstances, was alien to the Syrian tradition, although it was perhaps characteristic of the Middle Ages - this is the court literary circle. Without such a form of cultural life, it is impossible to imagine, for example, the development of Persian versification. Even the names of the styles of this tradition are associated with the centers of government of the dynasties that formed these circles: Khorasan, Isfahan, Iraqi, Indian; although this does not mean that all writers were close to the palace. The poetry circle was an important part of the cultural life of the court and, along with the circle of scholars, was the subject of ambitions and competitions of monarchs.3 This could not but leave its mark on the character and subject matter of this poetry, and even on the forms it uses. For example, such great Persian masters as Rudaki (858-941) or

2. Ktaba d-Durrasa (Ktaba d-Ma'wata) des Elija von Anbar: memra I-III (1996)/hrsg. von Andreas Juckel. CSCO, 559, 560; Scriptores Syri, 226, 227. Lovanii: Peeters.

3. The role of Persian court poets, their status and responsibilities are perfectly shown in the work: Vorozheykina Zn. The Isfahan school of poets and literary life of Iran in premongolian time: XII - early XIII V. M.: Nauka, 1984. P. 54 - 115.

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Farrukhs (-1037); had to reckon with the taste of the ruling elite. The Syriac Christian tradition existed for centuries as a religious minority, first under the Sassanids and Byzantium4, then under the Arab Caliphate (632-1258). Therefore, her versification lived in other spheres-mainly in monastic cells - and performed other tasks.

This article is devoted to the phenomenon of transition of Russian-language poetry to an unusual sphere for it - the literary circle associated with the royal court. Despite the fact that this phenomenon was quite short - lived-the second half of the XIII century, it led to serious changes in versification. This leap was caused by the "collapse of the world" - the fall of the capital of the caliphate of Baghdad in 1258 and the formation of the state of the Ilkhanid Mongol dynasty in Iraq and Iran. The founder of the Hulagu dynasty (1217-1265) and his immediate successors, many of whom were married to Christian women, were sympathetic to this religion and maintained good relations with the hierarchs of various churches.

Until now, it remains almost unexplored how the new political situation affected the nature of poetry, its content, and the evolution of its form. Equally important is the way poetry reflected the intellectual and political life of the society of that era. Without claiming to be complete in this work, we will touch only on some characteristic literary works and historical events related to them.5
Poetry and History: Gregory (Gregorius) Bar ' Ebroyo

The key figure of this period of Syriac literature is undoubtedly the outstanding Western Syriac encyclopedist Gregory bar ' Ebroyo (1226-1286), who proved himself in all areas of medieval knowledge: in theology, philosophy, and history.-

4. These two Powers have been engaged in long wars with each other, as a result of which the border has been constantly moving. However, in general, Syria and Palestine were controlled by Byzantium, and Mesopotamia and the lands to the east of it by Sasanian Iran (224-651).

5. Most of the Syriac verse texts given here were translated by us for the first time. Persian texts are given in the existing translations that are specified.

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It is interesting that this last part of his legacy is relatively little studied, since it was considered the least significant 7. Perhaps one of the reasons for this is that, as we will see, he tried to adopt the forms and motifs used in the literature of Muslim peoples, for example, the rubai quatrains, which are incredibly popular in the Persian literary tradition.

The writer was born in the Asian city of Melitene, where a large Western Syrian community lived, in the family of Aaron, a doctor. Nearby is the famous monastery of Bar Sauma, which was once the residence of the patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church (West Syriac, "Yakovite")8. Grigory's childhood was spent during the Mongol raids, which he described in detail in his Russian-language historical chronicle. For example, he reports repeated raids on Melitene, which ended with its complete sacking by the Mongols, as well as the miraculous rescue (already in 1252) of his father, the doctor Aaron, and his younger brother Bar Sauma, his future successor in the Mahryan chair.

Aaron, the old doctor, father of the bishop of the town of Marga, was at the threshing floor with Bar Sauma, his youngest son. And when the Tartars attacked, he did not want to flee to the monastery with the entire population of this village, but went up the mountain from the other side and, coming out, took refuge in a secluded place on the banks of the Euphrates, where he hid with his youngest son for about four days, until the Tartars left. Only one mule was drowned in the river.

6. For more information about the biography of this author and his writings, see: Takahashi, H. (2005) Barhebraeus: A Bio-Bibliography. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press; see also: Takahashi, H. (2011)" Bar 'Ebroyo, Grigorios", in Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of Syriac Heritage, pp. 54-56. NJ: Gorgias Press. See also: Abul - Faraj. The book of entertaining stories / Translated from ser. A. Belov and L. Vilsker. Moscow, 1957 (reprinted: Moscow-L., 1961; also in: Belov A., Vilsker L., Stories refreshing the mind and expelling sadness. L., 1972); Grigory Johannan Bar-Ebraya. Moralizing stories / Trans. from the medieval Assyrian by K. P. Matveev, Moscow, 1985 (reprint: Grigory Yukhannan Bar-Ebraya (Abul-Faraj). Funny Stories, Moscow, 1992).

7. Baumstark, A. (1922) Geschichte der syrischen Literatur mit Ausschlufi der christlich-paldstinensischen Texte, S. 319. Bonn: A. Marcus und E. Weber.

8. It was moved to Mardin under Patriarch Michael the Great (1166-1199), but the monastery remained important.

9. Bedjan, P. (ed.) (1890) Gregorii Barhebrasi Chronicon Syriacum e codd. mss. emendatum ac punctis vocalibus adnotationibusque locupletatum, p. 492. Paris: Maisonneuve.

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Young Gregory studied in the cultural centers of Syria, Antioch and Tripoli, which in those years were under the rule of the Crusaders. The complex political picture of this time is reflected in the historical chronicle of this scientist. Various regions in Syria and Iraq were controlled by numerous local dynasties, such as the Zangids, Artukids, and Seljuks of Rum, like his hometown of Melitene. Syria and Palestine were divided between the remnants of the Crusader states and the Muslim sultans of Egypt and Syria, first from the Ayyubid dynasty, then from the military-slave clans of the Mamluks (from the Arabic Mamluk - "slave, slave"). They alternated between alliances and armistice agreements and renewed military clashes. The caliphate institute, with its seat in Baghdad, long ago lost almost all political power except in southern Iraq, and remained only as the spiritual authority of the Muslim community.

We should also mention the continuous attacks of numerous tribes of Turks, Kurds, and then Mongols, who are also in constant hostility among themselves over areas that can be looted. During such raids, a settlement was usually burned, all property was taken away, the population was either destroyed, sold into slavery, or held hostage for ransom - depending on the preferences of the attackers. At the same time, Eastern Christian minorities were the most vulnerable part of the population, oppressed by almost all the aforementioned groups and even the Crusaders, and their ancient monasteries were the favorite prey of all gangs. It is not surprising that what is happening around could inspire such lines:

Cursed earth, how many children have been raised by your hands And suckled with great care from your breast! How long will you swallow and devour your offspring and bring them back again and excrete them through your pores!10

In 1246, Gregory became a bishop and, after passing through the sees of small cities, in 1253 he received a place in Aleppo; in 1260, he received a post in the city of Aleppo. he witnessed the capture of this city by the Mongols. Finally, in 1264, Gregory received the position of Maphrian, the head of the west-

10. Mushoto d-Mor Gngoriyus Yuhannon Bar 'Ebroyo, p. 57.

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The Nosirian Church in the east, beyond the Euphrates: in Iraq and Iran. This position becomes a key one in the life of an encyclopedist. Undoubtedly, the fall of Baghdad in 1258 was a fundamental moment in the history of this era. It marked the end of the era of the caliphate and, consequently, centuries of Islamic domination. This event, of course, was perceived by the Sunni population as a global catastrophe, but religious minorities, on the contrary, received the hope of greater legal and material protection. The founder of a new dynasty that reigned in Iraq and Iran, Hulagu, was the son of the regent of the khan's throne Tolui (1227-1229) and a Christian of the East Syriac (Nestorian) persuasion from the Mongolian Kerait tribe Surkaktana (Sorkhakhtani) (- 1252). She played an important role in the upbringing of her sons, including the future khans Munke (Monke) (1251-1259) and Kublai (1260-1294); and largely determined the further policy of the Mongol Empire towards Christians. In his chronicle, Bar 'Ebroyo speaks of this woman with admiration:" She was a true Christian and a believer, like Helen, " comparing her to the equal-to-the-Apostles Helen, the mother of Emperor Constantine the Great. Further, he quotes lines of poetry dedicated to her:

If I had seen another like her among the female sex,
I would say that the female sex is much more virtuous than the male 11.

It should be noted that the influence of the Arabic and Persian traditions is very noticeable in this chronicle, not only in content 12, but also in form. In the latter, poetic inclusions were considered an important component not only of the chronicle, but also of any text in general. Gregory undoubtedly knew not only Arabic, in which he wrote many works, but also Persian, which he also wrote about many times. 13 Even in this historic tru-

11. Bedjan, P. (ed.) Gregorii Barhebrssi Chronicon Syriacum, p. 465.

12. In particular, the Bar 'Ebroyo chronicle strongly depends on the work of his Persian contemporary, the historian' Ala-d-Din ibn Muhammad Juwayni (1226-1283); see: Borbone, P. G. (2004) "Barhebreaus e Juwayni: un chronista sira e la sua fonte persiana", in: Egitto e vicino Oriente 27: 121-144.

13. Teule, H. (2003) "Barhebraeus and his Time: The Syrian Renaissance'", Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 3: 22.

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de he demonstrates an interest in Persian versification, mentions the names of various Persian-language authors he values.14
In the same work, a Syriac writer cites a Syriac verse translation of a Persian quatrain made by himself, uttered in honor of Hulagu by an emir who was wooing his daughter:

As if to the doctor, to you, your patient 15, I came.
O king of kings, in order to gain life, I have come to meet you.
I have come to gather the healing fruits of your seed.
And if not, what kind of trade did I come to your land for?16

Although Gregory's main residence was the Mar Mattai monastery near Mosul (where he was later buried), he often visited Tabriz and Maragha, the residences of the monarchs of the new Ilkhanov state (1256-1335).17 The encyclopedist had the opportunity to communicate with prominent Muslim scholars gathered at the court. Under Hulagu, Christian churches and monasteries were exempt from paying taxes. In addition, bans and restrictions on the construction of new monasteries and churches were lifted. Wife of the ruler of Dukuz (Tukuz)- Khatun, a Christian of Keraite origin, initiated the construction of many churches and chapels 18. Here are the records of the death of this royal couple in 1265 left by Gregory in his chronicle:

And the king of kings, Hulagu, departed from this world. For wisdom and generosity, and for amazing efficiency, he had no equal. And in the summer days, Tukuz (Dukuz)also passed away- Khatun, Queen of the faithful. And there was sadness among Christians all over the world

14. For example, he reports the death of Shams ad-Din Isfahani, who was killed by the Mongols, emphasizing that he was an educated man and wrote beautiful verses in the form of lamentations in Persian (Ibid., p. 483).

15. Or: sick of you.

16. Bedjan, P. (ed.) Gregorii Barhebrssi Chronicon Syriacum, p. 496; see also Mushoto d-Mor Grigoriyus, p. 165.

17. Takahashi, H. Barhebraeus: A Bio-Bibliography, pp. 23 - 25.

18. See, for example: Borbone, P. G., Orengo, A. (2006) " Stato e chiesa nell'Iran Ilkhanide. La chiesa alia corte di Arghon nelle fonti siriache e armene", Egitto e Vicino Oriente 29: 335.

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the great death of these two great luminaries and glorifiers of the Christian faith 19.

Poetry and Science: Bar ' Ebroyo and Nasor ad-Din at-Tusi

It is obvious that Gregory bar ' Ebroyo attached special importance to the assimilation of all existing achievements of science and literature, philosophy. It is widely known that his statement, which became a kind of epigraph to the ideology of the Syrian Renaissance (Syro-language literature of the XI-XIV centuries), that if earlier Arab-Muslim culture drew achievements from the Syrian tradition, now it is time for Syrian scribes to learn from Muslim 20. The very life of Gregory was the best implementation of this program. It is known that he largely borrowed the mystical views of the great Islamic Sufi Al-Ghazali (1058-111)21. In some manuscripts of Bar ' Ebroyo's poems, there is a cycle of quatrains with a common title:

The late Mafrian [i.e. Bar 'Ebroyo. - A. P.], written about a certain Arab philosopher called Khoja Nasir from the city of Tuy, and who lived in Maragha, in Azerbaijan.

Identification of this person is not difficult. We are talking about one of the greatest scholars of the Islamic Middle Ages, Nasir al-Din at-Tusi 22 (1201-1274); mathematician, astronomer, philosopher, Muslim theologian, poet. It so happened that two prominent encyclopedists lived at the same time and also in the same city-Maragha (Iranian Azerbaijan, not far from Tabriz). There was the largest astronomical laboratory in the world at that time, established by Nasir al-Din under the patronage of Khan Hulagu. And since Maphrian Grigory lived there for a long time, there is no doubt that they were personally acquainted.

19. Bedjan, P. (ed.) Gregorii Barhebrssi Chronicon Syriacum, p. 521.

20. Teule, H. "Barhebraeus and his Time: The Syrian Renaissance", p. 25.

21. Ibid., p. 30.

22. The Arabic-language form of nisba-a name indicating where a person comes from (i.e., in this case, from the city of Tus) - looks like "Tusi" in Persian, without the increment of at -, the Arabic definite article.

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Nasir al-Din's biography is no less amazing than his scientific achievements. He was born in the city of Tuy (Khorasan province, Eastern Iran), where he studied many sciences, then continued his studies in Mosul. For some time, the young scholar lived in Kuhistan, then, having fallen out of favor with the local ruler, in 1235 he moved to Alamut, the fortress-center of the Ismaili community, a religious sect that terrified many states of the Middle East with terrorist acts. Leading the pro-Mongol group, Nasir ad-Din took the position that it was necessary to surrender the fortress to the Mongols. The scientist ingratiated himself with Khan Hulagu and became his court astronomer. According to various sources, he convinced the ruler of the need to capture Baghdad in 1258. After the establishment of the Ilkhanid state, as an adviser to the Khan on financial issues, the scientist had access to the distribution of large funds, primarily for education and science. Nasir al-Din's famous Maragha Observatory required huge expenditures, and it was only through his influence that the scientist was able to obtain the necessary funds.

Among Nasir al-Din's achievements in mathematics is the development of basic trigonometric theorems, which, according to historians of science, can be considered almost the father of trigonometry as an independent discipline.23 In the field of astronomy, the main result of his work was the so-called Ilkhan tables, compiled on the basis of twelve years of observations at the observatory and allowed calculating the position of the Sun and planets; he also created the most complete star catalog for that time. It is interesting how these scientific achievements are succinctly expressed in the quatrain Bar ' Ebroyo, dedicated to the scientist:

The pure sees pure beauty in the black eye,
How hateful it is to the shameless, malicious eye.
By the wisdom of the Creator seeing the abyss through contemplation,
These random ephodes24 he arranges in order 25.

23. Bogolyubov A. N. Matematiki [Mathematics]. Mechanics. Biographical reference book. Kiev: Naukova dumka Publ., 1983, p. 341.

24. Exodus 28: 6-20, esp. 15 - 20.

25. Mushoto d-Mor Grigoriyus Yuhanndn Bar 'Ebroyo, p. 46.

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Obviously, these lines, written in the language of medieval poetic imagery, contain praise for Nasir al-Din's observations of the starry sky, "seeing the abyss with contemplation." This happens, of course, "according to the wisdom of the Creator", who arranges the way of human knowledge of the universe. The last line uses an unusual image: the ephod is the vestment of an Old Testament priest described in Exodus 26. This garment also had a breastplate on which were fixed twelve precious stones according to the number of the tribes of Israel, as well as two stones - Urim and Thummim. Obviously, here they are metonymically called ephods and are mentioned as an allusion to the twelve signs of the zodiac and the two luminaries - the Sun and the Moon. Their arrangement in order is the result of contemplation, i.e., knowledge of the location of celestial bodies.

Perhaps these quatrains, as is often the case with the Persian rubay they imitate, are combined in one cycle, which is also reflected in the interconnectedness of their imagery. Here is another quatrain, written already on the death of the scientist:

A man died who shone like a lamp to the world and opened its eyes to all kinds of wisdom. He did not die, but his life shone forth even more, and in that spiritual world he astonished the angels.27
Such lines demonstrate the religious tolerance and breadth of views that prevailed in intellectual circles under the Ilkhanids. This is certainly unusual for a church hierarch, especially in the Middle Ages, but it is understandable for a prominent encyclopedist to mourn his colleague, with whom they worked side by side. It is curious that Nasir al-Din himself, who, like many scholars, composed poems, composed such a Persian-language quatrain:

If the eyes of your conviction are not completely crooked,
[you will see that] a Christian goes to church, and it is Hajj.
Everything that exists is exactly what it should be:
If your eyebrow is correct, it should be crooked 28.

26. Exodus 28:12 - 29; 39:13 - 30.

27. Mushoto d-Mor Grigoriyus Yuhanndn Bar 'Ebroyo, p. 46.

28. For the Persian text of this author's poems, see: mirasmaktoob.ir/fa

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Here is the message about the scientist's death left by Bar ' Ebroyo in his chronicle:

In the same year, Khoja Nasir, a Persian philosopher, a famous man, famous and well-to-do in all areas of wisdom, especially in mathematics, died. He installed observation devices and large brass circles that are much more amazing than the ones Ptolemy installed in Alexandria. And he observed and verified the trajectories of celestial bodies. And many sages from different places gathered in his presence in Maragha, the city of Azerbaijan. And since the property of all the mosques and schools in Baghdad and Atur was at his disposal, he paid out the salaries of teachers and scholars who were with him. At that time, he went to Baghdad to visit these places, and in Baghdad he died 29.

Poetry and Church Struggle: Satire

Bar ' Ebroyo's poetry collection contains several short poems of humorous content, which is reminiscent of the Arabic-Persian tradition of using small forms for comic purposes. Here is an example of such humor:

Here the winter has covered the skin from frost.
So wrap yourself up in a sheepskin coat and you, poor fellow!
Here is a righteous man, scratched by the claws of a cruel cold,
Wants to plunge into hellfire.
And the bird, even though it is made of water,
Wants to warm up in the fire, even if it is strung on a spit 30.

However, in the collections of Bar 'Ebroyo's poetry there are several that contain sharp satire, for example, poems dedicated to Patriarch Dionysius Angur (1252-1261):

About Patriarch Dionysius Angura
Being your friend or confidant is not my goal,
For I have no garden that grows a new crown every day.
Here you have objects of passion, but I have no passion.

29. Bedjan, P. (ed.) Gregorii Barhebrssi Chronicon Syriacum, p. 529.

30. Mushoto d-Mor Grigdriyus Yuhanndn Bar 'Ebroyo, p. 52.

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Therefore, my peace of mind is no longer like entertainment.
You're such a man that you're quickly sated with lovers,
And you quickly listen to slanderers.
Why are you felling the hedge of my true love,
I'm someone you don't even know yet 32.

Here is another one, by the same author, about the same church leader:

About him

Under the command of this idler, we have ruined our years.
And under his bullish onslaught, we all retreated,
Because he is mad, he has crushed the culture, and our children have come to hate it
.
And they tore down and broke down the walls of wisdom that we had built
for them.
We have gained nothing from the madman's triumph but remorse.
And as madness multiplied its spoils, we broke ours
the stylus.
Under his leadership, our talents and mines were squandered 33.
And at the celestial sphere we found and counted many
flaws 34.

The history of the relationship between these two church leaders began in the writer's childhood, during the era of Mongol raids. Dionysius was bishop of Melitene, Gregory's hometown, during one of the Mongol attacks in 1242. As the Seljuk governor fled, the city's defenses were effectively led by a bishop. These childhood memories are described in detail in the historical social chronicle Bar ' Ebroyo (see above), where he also describes Dionysius as a wise and active man. 35 As a result, the city was still taken by the Mongols, and many of the inhabitants of the city were captured by the Mongols.-

31. In the original Syriac wordplay: this term also means ascetic, monastic residence.

32. Mushoto d-Mor Grigoriyus, p. 54.

33. Wordplay. In the literal sense - talent and mine as monetary and weight units.

34. Mushoto d-Mor Grigoriyus, p. 54.

35. Bedjan, P. (ed.) Gregorii Barhebrssi Chronicon Syriacum, p. 491.

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The Teli took refuge in the monastery of Bar Sauma near Melitene, which was the residence of the West Syriac (Jacobite) patriarch. [36]

Then, as bishop of Gubos (appointed in 1246), Bar ' Ebroyo took the side of the bishop of his native Melitene in the conflict between Dionysius Angur and the then Patriarch Ignatius III David. After the death of the patriarch in 1252, a schism occurred, as a result of which two candidates were consecrated to the patriarchs by various church groups: the same Dionysius and Bar Mad'any, an outstanding poet. Gregory, of course, supported Dionysius on the patriarchal throne, and not his rival. Therefore, it seems not entirely clear what was the reason for writing such harsh satirical works. The culmination of this cycle is the third and shortest poem written about the murder of Angur in 1261 and surpasses the previous two in sharpness of satire.:

To the death of Angur

The one who killed a thousand in his lifetime. -
His robe is covered with blood in the holy of holies 38.
Because he emptied the church of candlesticks, chalices, and chalices,
The crippled one roared like an elephant in the holy temple 39.

Bar 'Ebroyo's" Ecclesiastical Chronicle " contains his only critical review of Angur's work, which, however, does not explain the reasons for writing such harsh works, especially posthumously.

A possible, though purely hypothetical, explanation is that the poems do not belong to Bar 'Ebroyo, but to Bar Mad'ani. The fact is that the works of this writer are usually found in manuscripts along with Gregory's poems, since they are similar in style and time of writing. In such collections, erroneous attribution to one or another author is a common phenomenon. Careful study of all existing manuscripts is required for proper attribution. Juhannan bar Mad'ani (birth name - Aaron) He became Metropolitan of Mardin around 1230.

36. Bedjan, P. (ed.) Gregorii Barhebrssi Chronicon Syriacum, p. 491.

37. Either: in a monastery.

38. I.e. in the altar.

39. Mushoto d-Mor Grigdriyus, p. 55.

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he took the chair of Maphrian of the East in 1232, and in December 1252 was appointed Patriarch. However, he was not recognized as patriarch by all the bishops, some of whom supported Dionysius Angur. Only after the latter's assassination in 1261 did he gain the support of the entire West Syriac ("Jacobite")community. Churches, including Bar 'Ebroyo, until his death in 1263.

This writer can rightly be considered one of the founders of a new direction of Syrian poetry. Although most of his life was spent in an era of turmoil, raids and strife, its end came after the fall of the Caliphate and the foundation of the Ilkhanid state. According to Bar ' Ebroyo, he was well versed in the Arabic literary tradition, having studied it in Baghdad. He wrote several works written in Arabic, as well as many poems and short poems written in Syriac. Bar ' Ebroyo himself highly valued Bar Ma'dani's work and believed that it strongly influenced his own. He also composed a lengthy funeral eulogy for his death ("Crying")40.

Although the origin of these verses still needs further investigation, it is clear that satire is becoming a part of Syriac poetry. Like the Arabic or Persian poetic satirical tradition, it is used in public life, in this case in the church. From a poetic point of view, it is noteworthy that in at least two poems, the main motive for satire is the name of the character. It is known with which Greek deity the name Dionysius is associated. Even more interesting is that the word angur means "grapes" in Persian. The writer, who is familiar with this language and literary tradition, decided to use wine motifs as a satirical device. In fact, both of the first poems have two semantic levels: denouncing the patriarch's personal qualities and describing the negative actions of wine, which is personified (with the attributes: unrestrained, intemperance, madness, voluptuousness). For example, in the second poem: "Under the command of this idler we ruined our years", "From the triumph of a madman we gained nothing but remorse", "Under his command our talents and mines were wasted"...

Even more interesting is the imagery of the first poem:

40. Mushoto d-Mor Grigoriyus, pp. 32 - 34.

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Being your friend or confidant is not my goal,
For I have no garden that grows a new crown every day.

Obviously, allusions to the cultivation of grapes as a source of wine are used here. And then, the final lines:

Why are you felling the hedge of my true love,
I'm someone you don't even know yet, right?

"Wine imagery", which includes the entire cycle of winemaking, starting with the cultivation of grapes, is a favorite theme of the Persian poetic tradition. The most famous example of this genre is the qasida "Mother of Wine" (i.e. grapes) of the famous Rudaki, the de facto founder of classical Persian poetry. In the first part of this work, a figurative description of the wine production, personified by the author, is given:

We must first martyr the mother of wine,
Then the child itself should be imprisoned.
You can't take away a child while the mother is still alive, -
So crush it and trample it first!41

Rudaki's qasid goes on to praise the Emir of Bukhara from the Samanid dynasty (819 - 999); this is the main purpose of the panegyric. In Bar ' Ebroyo's poems dedicated to Dionysius, this imagery is used in a negative, satirical context, and there is probably an element of parody of Persian poetics. Such stylization on the verge of parody then appeared in the works of other Syrian authors, for example, Kamis, which will be discussed below.

Poetry and royal receptions: Kamis bar Kardakhe of Arbela

Despite the fact that this East Syriac (Nestorian) writer can rightfully be considered one of the most interesting poets of Syrian literature, until the last few years about him

41. Translated by E. I. Lipkin; see: Rudaki. Poems / Translated by V. V. Levik and S. I. Lipkin, edited and commented by I. S. Braginsky, Moscow: Publishing House of Fiction, 1964. [http://www.sattor.com/russian/Rudaki.htm; accessed from 01.10.2014].

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almost nothing was known 42. He was undoubtedly appreciated by his contemporaries, as well as by subsequent generations, as a master of poetic form and an experimenter of versification. This is evidenced by the postscript in the manuscripts of his works: "Kamis, famous for his skill" 43. The life of the writer was connected with the city of Arbela (Northern Iraq), which during this period was an important cultural center. There are several poems by this author that relate to this city and mention it in a positive or negative context. 44 The collection of poems of Qamis, which has survived in several manuscripts, is distinguished by a variety of forms and genres, continuing the direction begun by the Western Syrian writers Bar Mad'ani and Bar 'Ebroyo. The poet wrote many quatrains, large and small poems of strophic and non-strophic form.

Apparently, the Arbel writer was not a prominent church hierarch, so there is no information about him in the chronicles and church documents. Researchers draw all biographical information, including his role in the literary and ideological life of the Ilkhanid state, from references in his works. The earliest manuscript of his works (Diyarbakir 91, 1394), Naho, was very significant for this.-

42. Major articles about his creative legacy have been published over the past five years; see: Taylor, D. (2010) "'Your Sweet Saliva is the Living Wine': Drink, Desire, and Devotion in the Syriac Wine Songs of Khamis bar Qardahe", in The Syriac Renaissance, PP. 31-53 / Ed. H. Teule, C. F. Tauwinkl, B. ter Haar Romeny, J. van Ginkel. Leuven/Paris/Walpole (MA); Mengozzi, A. (forthcoming) "The Ktava of Khamis bar Qardahe: Preliminary Remarks on the History of the Text", in Syriac Encouters, the Proceedings of the Sixth North American Syriac Symposium. Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, June 26 - 29, 2011; Mengozzi, A. (2014) "Persische Lyrik in syrischem Gewand: Vierzeiler aus dem Buch des Khamis bar Qardahe (Ende 13. Jh.)", in M. Tamcke, S. Grebenstein (eds) Geschichte, Theologie und Kultur des syrischen Christentums: Beitrage zum 7. Deutschen Syrologie-Symposium in Gottingen, Dezember 2011 (Gottinger Orientforschungen: Reihe 1, Syriaca 46), pp. 155 - 176. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.; Притула А. Д. Хамис Бар Кардахе, восточносирийский поэт конца XIII в. // Символ. 2012. N61. С. 303 - 317; Притула А. Д. Kamis Bar Kardakhe (late 13th century) and the Arbel literary Circle//Христианский Восток, 6 (12), СПб.: Издательство Государственного Эрмитажа, 2013. С. 216 - 243; Pritula, А. (2014) "Zwei Gedichte des Harms bar Qardahe: Ein Hochgesang zu Ehren von Bar 'Ebroyo und ein Wein-Gedicht fur die Khan-Residenz", in M. Tamcke, S. Grebenstein (eds) Geschichte, Theologie und Kultur des syrischen Christentums: Beitrage zum 7. Deutschen Syrologie-Symposium in Gottingen, Dezember 2011 (Gottinger Orientforschungen: Reihe 1, Syriaca 46), pp. 315 - 328. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

43. Diyarbakir 91, fol. 73V.

44. See: Pritula A.D. Kamis Bar Kardakhe (late 13th century) and the Arbel Literary Circle, pp. 226-232.
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located in a library in Mardin, southeastern Turkey. Its contents are only now available to researchers thanks to the Hill Museum & Manuscript Library Institute's program in Collegeville, Minn., to digitally re-photograph manuscript collections 45. In the titles of the works in this list, the author is repeatedly called deceased, deceased, there are wishes for the Kingdom of Heaven to him. He is also repeatedly called the elder; in addition, it is reported that he received his nickname because of his blacksmithing (kardakha in Syriac-blacksmith, goldsmith).46. But most importantly, the title of one of the poems says the following:: "I will write sogityas [short poems - A. P.] of Kardakha, my late elder" 47. It follows that these entries were transferred from the autograph list (i.e., the original manuscript), otherwise so much personal information would not have been preserved. Rewriting headlines is a common phenomenon in medieval book writing. The collection was probably compiled by a student of Kamis after the writer's death, based on drafts and materials at his disposal. In addition, from this information we can conclude that the poet lived to an advanced age and was a monk. Before one of the poems, many manuscripts contain an entry stating that it was written by the poet on the death of his son. 48 However, in some lists, and most importantly, in the earliest one, Diyarbakir 91, this entry is missing.49 Probably, someone decided at a later time that the poem has a strange erotic content for Christian poetry, and the addressee appears in the masculine gender, so it needs some explanation. In any case, we have no sufficient reason to believe that the poet had children. As for mystical lyrics, the question of their literal or symbolic interpretation and their correlation is common for studying Persian texts.

45. I would like to express my deep gratitude to the Director of the Institute, O. Kolamba Stewart, for his assistance in the work.

46. The mere fact of the poet's connection with craft circles is not surprising for medieval cities. For example, Jamal ad-Din, a well - known poet of the Isfahan circle (12th century), has preserved evidence that he was a first-class jeweler and engraver, which gave him the status of an "artist" in that era (see: Vorozheikina Z. N. Isfahan School of Poets, pp. 21-22).

47. Diyarbakir 91, fol. 252r.

48. See: Pritula A.D. Kamis Bar Kardakhe (late 13th century) and the Arbel Literary Circle, pp. 234-49-Diyarbakir 91, fol. 265V.

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There are many Sufi poems with which Qamis seems to have been quite familiar. Many studies are devoted to this problem in the Persian-language literature, in particular, by the Russian expert on Islamic mysticism V. A. Drozdov50.

Kamis was undoubtedly acquainted with Gregory bar 'Ebroyo, and he supplemented his lengthy stanza work on the Divine Dispensation by writing his own stanza for each of the original verses. He, in turn, dedicated the poem "Answer to Kamis the Nestorian". And finally, among the works of the latter there is a lengthy eulogy dedicated to Bar ' Ebroyo. In this work, written in the style and form of Kasyda, the author praises the achievements of Gregory: in the field of logic, ecclesiastical dispensation, astronomy, piety and much more.51
At the same time, as follows from the text of the poem, the object of praise itself has already died (1286), and his brother and namesake Gregory took the chair of the Maphrianate in his place (1286-1308). Thus, it is clear in what period the work was written. It is equally interesting that the ode is dedicated to the hierarch of a church of another denomination. I assume that this phenomenon is not entirely trivial not only for the Middle Ages, but also for religious literature in general. Therefore, in the manuscripts of the collection of poems of Kamis, there is no direct indication of the dedication, as is usually the case in the titles. In this case, a general entry is placed: "about pastors, primates of the flock". The author uses a set of allusions in the text that allow an educated reader to uniquely identify the addressee, but without specifying it. Thus, it is clear that this book is aimed at two potential circles: a broad church audience, hardly able to understand the context of the works, and the church elite, close to the author himself and familiar with literary nuances.

It can be assumed that the two writers met at celebrations organized by khans and their Christian wives. Such receptions were often accompanied by solemn divine services, for example, in court churches, to which hierarchs of various faiths were invited. One of these churches (probably in the form of a tent) was created by order of Dukuz-khatun, the wife of Khan Hulagu in the summer residence of the Ilkhans on Mount Ala-Tak

50. See, for example: Drozdov V. A. The treatise of Mu'nis al - ' ushshak Suhrawardi// Islamic Philosophy and Philosophical Islamic Studies: Prospects for development, Moscow: Yazyki slavyanskikh kul'tury, 2012, pp. 56-68.

51. Pritula A.D. Khamis Bar Kardakhe, East Syrian poet of the end of the XIII century / / Symbol. 2012. N61. pp. 303-317.

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(Iranian Azerbaijan)52. This probably explains the close rapprochement between the Western ("Jacobite") and Eastern ("Nestorian") Syriac churches, or, more precisely, the participation of their representatives in the common literary life. It is appropriate in this case to speak of a single Syriac literary circle of the Ilkhans ' era.

Literary creativity of church leaders was, apparently, an essential component of the interaction between churches and the authorities. As was customary for medieval monarchies, especially eastern ones, a place at court was a guarantee of the well-being of an entire region, people, or denomination. Probably, the rights and privileges granted by the khans to churches and monasteries depended not least on this. As mentioned above, these relationships have changed at various points in history.

As evidence of such celebrations, an amazing poem (sogita), discovered by researchers quite recently, has come down to us, so its translation is reproduced here in full.

Another, about the radiant sacrament that saved the mortal

1. Guests of the Supreme Feast
And the participants of that fun!
Get close, take a life pledge
In the sanctifying cup!
2. Here I am intoxicated with the sweetness of your message,
And I want to revel in it.
Even if I don't deserve it,
Honor me with your love
Be worthy of yours.
3. Every drinker has it.,
Even if he is on the tip of kalam 53,
it erases his debts,
And through it, all sins are forgiven.
4. Its color is like rubies,
And it is necessary for young people and old people.
Turks and Romans 54
They love her unanimously.

52. Borbone, P. G., Orengo, A. Stato e chiesa nell'Iran Ilkhanide, p. 335.

53. That is, a written cane; in other words, if his name is included in the list of debtors.

54. I.e., the Byzantines, although possibly "Romans", i.e., Western Europeans.

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5. Here is the blood of the Virgin's Son,
Speared over Golgotha,
Which the prophets also prophesied about,
That it is truly a joy to the heart.
6. Mr. Denha, the father of honest,
Catholicos of the East!
Live, exalted one on high,
and abide in peace forever!
7. Kamis the infirm in Ala-Taka
Performed sogita on sandalwood 56,
When he was among the Mongols
And when visiting, he entertained them.

In this work, Kamis reports that it was written during a certain reception given by the Mongols at the headquarters on Mount Ala-Tak, and probably wine really played an important role there. It is well known that wine feasts were an important part of the life of the court, at least under the dynasties of Iranian and Turkic origin; now, under the Mongols, they became the main part of it, during which important state problems were solved. It is likely that the Western Syriac poetic tradition at Khan's feasts was represented by Bar ' Ebroyo, a Jacobite Maphrian who often visited the court.57
The author uses this situation to write a mystical ghazal, only in the Christian spirit. Ghazal is the most popular form of lyric poetry in Persian poetry, which is characterized by approximately the same volume: 10-15 poetic lines. The greatest masters of the Sufi ghazal - such as Sa'di (1181-1291), Fakhr al-Din 'Iraki (-1289) and Jalal al - Din Rumi (1207-1273), and later Hafiz (c. 1325-1389/1390) - used the image of wine to denote divine love, and intoxication - as a symbol of divine love. a symbol of mystical ecstasy, unity with God. Thus, almost any ordinary phenomenon could have at least two semantic layers in this paradigm: the first - literal and the second - mystical-symbolic. Often you will find-

55. Or: about whom (i.e., about the son).

56. Obviously, this refers to a stand for books and writing, in this case made of sandalwood. Although it is possible that the author emphasizes that he composed the work, leaning on a tree.

57. Takahashi, H. Barhebraeus: A Bio-Bibliography, pp. 23 - 25.

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it is definitely impossible to separate these two layers, especially when there is not enough biographical data about the author. Then the literal or mystical interpretation remains a matter of preference for one or another researcher. In this case, the occasion was a very real banquet, which the poet used to combine two literary mystical traditions: Sufi and Christian. The introduction of Christian Eucharistic symbolism into the paradigm of the mystical "wine" gazelle is a brilliant innovation, one might say, a complete realization of the metaphor that is embedded in this paradigm. It is possible and even probable that the feast in the khan's headquarters was preceded by the service of the liturgy, and this could have been the reason for writing a poem. At the same time, all the formal features of ghazals are observed, even the so-called tahallus, the poet's mention of his name at the end of the poem: Kamis the infirm performed a sandalwood sogita in Ala-Tak. It also highlights the fact of composing impromptu, right at the feast, which is typical of Persian court poetry.

It is interesting that in some manuscripts, in particular in the oldest list of Diyarbakir 91, some syllables in such poems are marked with slashes in red ink 58. This sign is usually used to indicate melodic decorations and chanting certain syllables (two lines or more, depending on the required duration of chanting). It can be assumed that the poem was intended for singing. Then the next question arises: could it not have been accompanied by a musical instrument, for example, a rubab, a zither, or other strings, as was customary in the Persian poetic tradition? Perhaps we are dealing with a melodeclamation? Unfortunately, there is not enough information to answer these questions, and it is not clear whether to interpret the following lines of the same author literally or as another borrowed topos:

From the ancient purple
Reach peace
And drink with the one who is desired,
Finding joy,
Under the voices of strings
And the scents of incense,

58. For example: Diyarbakir 91, fol. 223r-223v.

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With your friends and lovers, Before you disappear! And drop the reasoning!59

When the British researcher David Taylor first wrote about the Ala-Tak Ghazal of Kamis (in 2010), he gave the first lines of the sixth stanza as it appears in the manuscripts and edition available to him: "Lord so-and-so, glorious Father, Catholicos of the East!" However, in the earliest manuscripts, including Diyarbakir 91, as we have been able to establish, the name of the patriarch appears (as these lines are reproduced above), to whom this poem is dedicated: "Mr. Denha, Father of the honest, Catholicos of the East!". These lines appear to be the original ones, among other things, because the other version distorts the verse size (one syllable is missing).

Patriarch Denkha I (1265-1281), who is apparently mentioned in the poem, was formerly a monk of the same monastery, Bet Koke, near Arbela. He was consecrated patriarch in Baghdad in 1265, but after the violent Muslim unrest of 1268-1269, he moved again to Arbela. [60] He died in 1281 while visiting Baghdad, where he was buried. [61] Probably, this hierarch, a fellow countryman of Kamis, who was well acquainted with him, took him with him to various solemn events, including to the headquarters of the Mongol khans, where he was supposed to present East Syrian poetry. Moreover, all the years of the patriarchy of Denkhi I fit into the reign of Abaga Khan (1265-1282), at which the reception mentioned in the poem of Kamis was supposed to take place.

It is interesting that the next Patriarch after Yabalakha III, Timothy II (1318-1322), was also previously Metropolitan of Arbela 62 under the name of Mar Yosef 63. This church official was the author of

59. For the full text, see: Pritula A.D. Bar ' Ebroyo, Khamis bar Kardakhe: from Nineveh to Fars / / Commentationes Iranicae: Collection of articles on the 90th anniversary of Vladimir Aronovich Livshits / Ed.: Tokhtasyev S. R., Lurie P. B. St. Petersburg: Nestor-Istoriya, 2014. pp. 512-513.

60. Ibid., p. 184.

61. Ibid., p. 184.

62. Wilmshurst, D. (2000) The Ecclesiastical Organization of the Church of the East, 1318 - 1913, p. 184. CSCO 582, Subs. 104. Lovanii: Peeters.

63. Murre-van den Berg, H. (2006) "The Church of the East in Mesopotamia in the Mongol Period", in Jingjiao. The Church of the East in China and Central Asia. Collectanea Serica. Sankt Augustin, pp. 393 - 394.

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According to some researchers, the authorship of the biography of Patriarch Yabalakha III (d. 1317)is attributed to him. 65 Thus, we can speak not only about the Arbel literary circle, but also about the influential Arbel group in the Church of the East, which apparently occupied an important place at the court of the Ilkhans.

The changes that have taken place in the social status of Christian churches and, as a consequence, in the way of life of Christians in this era, sometimes manifest themselves in unexpected ways in poetic works. The genre of penitential hymns is very traditional and contains reproaches addressed to one's own soul ("about oneself"). An example of such a genre can be found, for example, in the chant from the collection attributed to Gyvargys Varda (presumably from the beginning of the 13th century). It has these lines::

Mime 66: I am glorified by all as a wise man.
And everyone knows me as famous.
And I inspire everyone as a brave man.
But I am greatly corrupted, woe, woe to me!
Nun: The prophets of woe will reward me.
The apostles will add to my misery.
For I have spoken their scriptures with my mouth,
And I transgressed them: woe, woe is me!
Semkat: The ranks of priests will weep for me
And the deacons will weep for me.
For I am exalted above all of them,
And I was greatly blamed: woe, woe is me!
'E: Reasonable people will cry about me,
Sages and knowledgeable people,
For I was counted among the prudent,
and I did many foolish things: Woe, woe to me!67

64. Murre-van den Berg, H. (2006) "The Church of the East in Mesopotamia in the Mongol Period", in Jingjiao. The Church of the East in China and Central Asia. Collectanea Serica. Sankt Augustin, p. 393.

65. Ibid., p. 393-394. See also: Borbone, P. G. (2006)" L'autore della 'Storia di Mar Yahballaha e di Rabban Sauma'", in Loquentes Unguis. Linguistic and Oriental Studies in Honour of Fabrizio A. Pennacchietti, Wiesbaden, pp. 103 - 108.

66. Name of a letter of the Syriac alphabet. This poem uses an alphabetic acrostic, i.e. each stanza begins with the corresponding letter in the order of the alphabet.

67. Pritula A.D. Vostochnosiriyskiy hymnograficheskiy sbornik Varda: XIII-XVI vv. p. 397-399.

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The author (or hero) of these lines, which are quite common for Christian literature, can easily be imagined as a certain monastic scribe who has a certain fame in the spiritual environment. Now let us quote lines from a hymn on the same theme ("about myself"), and with the same refrain, but from the collection of Kamis, that is, the literary circle of the end of the same century:

Het: I drank too much wine.
I used it greedily.
And he committed all kinds of adultery,
And obscenity, and abomination.
What should I do? Woe, woe to me!

Caf: How much I got drunk in dens!
How many times have I slept with harlots?
And with men I committed shame!
On the Day of Retribution, woe, woe to me!68

Of course, one should not naively conclude from these lines that there is a personal background here. Rather, we are dealing with two phenomena. On the one hand, there was a strong rapprochement between the church and the ruling elite, which affected its life. On the other hand, the author, as in other works, can consciously use here a set of Persian Sufi toposes with an urban theme. Unfortunately, it is impossible to answer unambiguously which of these phenomena prevails here.

It can also be noted that Kamis ' experiments in the field of form, or rather stylization, sometimes reached precisely parody, understood not necessarily as a satirical work, but as something that makes the imitated form or aesthetics independent, if not the main character of the work. A number of manuscripts have preserved a poem by this poet, written partly in Syriac, partly in Persian. Bilingual works are a common occurrence in medieval poetry. Kamis himself, for example, composed a Syro-Turkic stanza piece, apparently for performance in the church.69
68. Slemon Iso' Hosabba, Q. (ed.) (2002) Kamis bar Qardahe, Memre w-Mushata. Nuhadra [Dohuk], p. 94 - 95-

69. Pritula A.D. Syroturcica: Bilingual strophic poem of the Mongolian time / / Miscellanea Orientalia Christiana. Eastern Christian diversity/Russian State University for the Humanities, Institute of Oriental Studies-

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However, when each line consists of a Persian phrase and Syriac verbs at the end, as in this work, it is hardly possible to see any stylistics other than parody. In the Diyarbakir 91 manuscript, this poem is presented in just three stanzas 70. Apparently, it was later expanded and supplemented with new Persian phrases. As a result, in the later lists, it is almost impossible to understand what is being said. Apparently, the author decided to parody Kite's short Persian poems, which represented the most intimate and informal genre of this poetic tradition. The Syriac versifier reproduces in Persian the main cliches used in such verses.71 The plot outline is the author's unrequited love for a certain beautiful Persian woman. Here are a few lines of this unreleased masterpiece, and to preserve the comic effect, we will transmit Persian phraseological units in English:

Until I saw 72 your image is pure,
And love for you 73 confused my soul,
Like you 74 beautiful I have not seen:
Elegant, decorated and fiery 75.
I say: come on 76, let's have some wine!
Together we are with you, day and night!
Banish from the heart 77 enmity, sadness
And we will create it according to our will, as it should be!

Ruhr-Universitat Bochum, Seminar fur Orientalistik und Islamwissenschaft; ed. by N. N. Seleznev, Yu. N. Arzhanov. Moscow: IVKA RSUH Publ., 2000, 2014, pp. 287-308.

70. Diyarbakir 91, fol. 259r.

71. There were many such attempts in Russian poetry at various times, for example, O. E. Mandelstam imitated a favorite element of Persian poetry, the radif (refrain) with the preceding rhyme:

Why do you keep blowing down the chimney, young man?
You'd better lie in a coffin, young man.

72. Until I saw

73. love for you

74. Someone like you

75. ognennoy

76. let's go

77. from the heart

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Conclusion: the main features of the" new style " of Syrian poetry

Unfortunately, the phenomenon described above did not last long. The Mongol nobility gradually became Islamized, which could not but affect its relations with the Christian churches. The key point was the adoption of Islam by Ghazan Khan in 1295, which led to the abolition of benefits for Christian communities, and the tightening of the tax burden on churches and monasteries. This conflict culminated in the massacre of Christians in Arbela in 1310. 78

Summing up the literary life of the Syrian poetic circle of that time, we should note the following: despite the obvious influence of the achievements of the Arabic and Persian literary traditions, which was associated with the approach to the royal court, Syriac literature developed its own, no less original style. It can be defined as an attempt to convey the content foundations of its centuries-old tradition, enriching them with new forms and motifs. Nor should it be assumed that, even in terms of form, it blindly followed Islamic models. On the contrary, the traditional Syriac metric, stanza structure, and even genre names are preserved. Court odes and descriptions of feasts often carry a second, religious-mystical, semantic layer. This technique itself, borrowed from Islamic poetics, was reinterpreted in line with the centuries-old Christian literary tradition.

It should also be noted that the Western Syriac authors developed more of the direction that goes back to the genre of poetic homilies memra (zapadnosir. mimro), which they turned into religious poems. The flourishing of the Eastern Syriac versification of this era is largely associated with the reinterpretation of strophic liturgical poetry (hymns). It is not entirely clear how this affected the performance of the works.

78. See, for example, Pigulevskaya N. V. Syriac Medieval Historiography. Research and translations. St. Petersburg: Dmitry Bulanin, 2000, pp. 737-753.

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