Our attention is often drawn to individuals whose lives and activities, the degree of influence on the fate of their compatriots, cannot be assessed unambiguously. Similar characters in the history of the Caucasus include Musa Alkazovich Kundukhov (1818-1889), an Ossetian major General of the Russian army who later became a "pasha with the rank of Mir-Liv" in Turkey. It is known mainly for the event of the second half of the XIX century - the organization of the resettlement of some Chechens and Ossetians to the Ottoman Empire. His life and work are of considerable interest for describing that era, the period of the Caucasian War and Muhajirism1, for understanding the policy of the Russian and Ottoman authorities in the North Caucasus. Some episodes of M. Kundukhov's biography are covered in Russian and foreign literature. A general assessment and analysis of its activity was given in the articles of V. V. Degoev and G. V. Chochiev [Degoev, 2003; Chochiev, 2006]. This article attempts to reconstruct the activities of this man on the basis of archival sources and memoir literature against the background of the epoch-making changes that were taking place in the Caucasus.2

Musa Alkazovich Kundukhov was born at a time when the Russian colonial invasion of the North Caucasus was just entering its active phase. After the signing of the Kuchuk-Kainardzhi Treaty between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in 1774, the Port abandoned its claims to Greater and Lesser Kabarda [Yuzefovich, 1869, p.35]. Later, according to the Treaty of St. George of 1783, signed between Russia and the Kartli-Kakheti Kingdom (Eastern Georgia), "Tsar Heraclius recognizes the supreme patronage of Russia and undertakes for himself and his successors to accept an investiture for the kingdom of Georgia from the Russian emperors. The Russian court promises to protect Georgia from external enemies and keep its resident in Tiflis" [Bronevsky, 1996, p. 126]. This treatise strengthened Russia's position in Transcaucasia and became the prologue to Alexander I's signing of the manifesto on the annexation of the Kartli-Kakheti Kingdom to the Russian Empire in 1801. In 1803-1804, the Kingdom of Imereti, the Principalities of Megrelium and Guria were taken under its protection, and in 1810 Abkhazia was taken over, when Russian troops drove the Turks out of Sukhumi and placed a small garrison there. In this regard, the problem of establishing communications between Russia and the United States has arisen.

Muhajir 1 (Arabic) - "displaced person, emigrant". The term has a religious connotation, since back in the 19th century, it primarily meant participants in the Hijrah (migration) of the Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina.

2 Valuable information on the period of resettlement, its preparation and completion is contained in the collections of the Archival Service under the Government of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania (Vladikavkaz), the Russian State Military Historical Archive (Moscow), the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (Moscow) and in the memoirs of M. Kundukhov himself, published in the magazine "Daryal".

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new possessions, which necessitated the conquest of the territory of the "recalcitrant highlanders", which was located between them.

Back in 1783, the construction of three redoubts was completed (one in Malaya Kabarda, two on the Terek), and a year later the fortress of Vladikavkaz was erected (in 1863 it received the status of a city). The Caucasian line, consisting of fortresses, redoubts and Cossack villages, was a fortified border with the lands of the highlanders. The line not only provided communication with Georgia, but, as the military historian, a contemporary of the events described, V. A. Potto, wrote in his essay, "made it difficult to act jointly against us together with the Chechens or Ingush" [Istoriya Vladikavkaz, 1991, p.17]. These actions were not long in coming. As early as 1785, Sheikh Mansur (1760-1794) preached about living according to Sharia and fighting infidels. In 1791, during the capture of Anapa, he was captured [Pokrovsky, 2000, pp. 124-130]. The defeat of Mansur led to a certain decline in the resistance of the highlanders, which made it possible for the tsarist authorities to carry out administrative measures for the development of the region.

Neighboring powers (the Ottoman Empire and Iran) were concerned about Russia's penetration deep into the Caucasus. Preachers of Islam and the struggle against infidels rushed to the Caucasus. In 1828, the resistance movement under Islamic slogans resumed when the first of the three imams of Dagestan and Chechnya, Gazi - Muhammad, entered the historical arena. In 1833, he was replaced by a second imam, Gamzat Bey, whose assassination in 1834 marked the beginning of the era of Shamil (1834-1859), a major political figure in the Caucasian War. Having created a centralized state entity, the imamate, he kept most of Dagestan and Chechnya in check for many years, and conducted daring operations against Russian troops.

Musa Kundukhov was also a witness and direct participant in the events that took place. At that time, the Russian government, in an effort to enlist the support of the local nobility, encouraged their children to study in military schools of the empire, then send them to serve in their homeland, in the Caucasus. Back in 1819, the commander-in-Chief in the Caucasus, General A. P. Ermolov, suggested that several honorary Tagaur aldars3 send their sons to the Tiflis Orthodox Seminary for education. However, when students were invited to convert to Orthodoxy after graduation, the nobility stopped sending their children to such schools [Memoirs..., 1995, N 1, p. 136]. At the age of 12 (1830), a scion from the noble Muslim family of Aldar Alkhast 4 from Tagauria 5 Musa was sent to St. Petersburg to the Pavlovsk Military School, after which in 1836 he was enlisted in a Separate Caucasian corps with the rank of cornet. Five years later, for his services, he was promoted to captain, awarded the Orders of St. Anna of the 3rd degree (and later the 2nd and 1st), St. Vladimir of the 4th degree and Stanislav of the 2nd degree (Degoev, 1994, p. 108).

In 1844, Emperor Nicholas I appointed Prince M. S. Vorontsov as the Caucasian viceroy and commander-in-chief of the troops in the Caucasus (Gammer, 1998, p.217). A participant in the Napoleonic Wars, M. S. Vorontsov did not take into account the specifics of conducting military operations in the Caucasus. The tactics of hard, massive strikes, which the new commander-in-chief so hoped for success, led to large and unjustified losses in the Russian army [Chichagova, 1889, p.70]. To recuperate after heavy and difficult conditions

Aldar, 3 according to the historical and etymological dictionary of V. I. Abaev, was a princely title in feudal Ossetia until the middle of the XIX century [Abaev, 1996, p. 126]. However, the "Caucasian" press debated the legality and validity of the claims of some Ossetian surnames to it in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It was thanks to the party of Musa Kundukhov that this class received recognition and privileges of the Russian authorities.

4 According to materials published in the newspaper "Kavkaz", M. Kundukhov's father, Alkhast (Alkhay), was a shepherd for several years among the residents of the Gizel district (Kavkaz, 1898).

5 Tagauria is a district of the Daryal and Tagaur gorges in North Ossetia.

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during the bloody battles, attempts were made to reach truces. In 1845, Vorontsov sent two Chechens to Imam Shamil with a proposal for a truce, to which the latter replied that "he does not think of conducting negotiations with him (Vorontsov - G. A.) by other means than by means of shashki" [Al-Karakhi, 1990, p. 82]. Such a harsh response was dictated by the fact that Shamil's power and influence in Dagestan and Chechnya have never been so strong. After a series of failures (Salty, Gergebil) in Central Dagestan, Prince Vorontsov in 1848 addressed Musa Kundukhov with an important diplomatic assignment-to persuade Imam Shamil to conclude a truce. The choice fell on M. Kundukhov not by chance, because, firstly, he was from an influential Aldarian family; secondly, he served in the Russian army and had already managed to achieve certain heights in his military career.6 Despite the successful start, the negotiations were disrupted. According to Kundukhov, Shamil was to blame for this, since on his orders a retired Russian major who had been taken prisoner was shot [Memoirs..., 1994, N 4, p. 164]. Moshe Gammer suggested in his monograph that St. Petersburg did not agree with Shamil's demand to grant independence to the highlanders who were then under his rule, and with the prince's willingness to do so [Gammer, 1998, p. 267].

A year later, Musa Kundukhov, by order of Vorontsov, was sent to Warsaw with two hundred soldiers to replenish the horse-mountain regiment stationed there.

The Kingdom of Poland under Alexander I was incorporated into the empire in 1815 with full autonomy. However, when in 1830-1831, during the reign of Emperor Nicholas I, a major national liberation uprising broke out in Poland, the autonomy was abolished. In 1832, an Organic Statute was published (replacing the previous Constitution), according to which the Kingdom of Poland was declared an integral part of the Russian Empire, and the Polish crown was declared hereditary in the Russian imperial house [Zotova, 1996, pp. 30-31]. From that moment on, the incessant ferment in Poland became a serious destabilizing factor in the internal life of the empire. Moreover, the Polish revolutionaries sympathized with the resistance of the highlanders and worked closely with them. The role of the Polish emigration movement in the struggle of the mountaineers of the Caucasus, in particular its "white" aristocratic party headed by Prince Adam Czartoryski, was described in detail in his memoirs by a major statesman of that era, the Minister of War Prince D. A. Milyutin (Milyutin, 1999; Cheucheva, 1999). It is important to note that, with the support of Great Britain, Polish volunteers were sent to the Caucasus with weapons and letters to the Caucasian peoples from the Ottoman government, which called for continuing resistance to Russia and expecting early military assistance from Western powers [RGVIA, f. 38, op 7, d. 246, l. 3; Lapinsky, 1995, p. 261 - 263]. Despite all the fantastic and obvious impracticability of these statements, most of the Caucasian leaders hoped for the promised help and raised their supporters to fight, which led to even more victims. The leading powers of that time (the Ottoman Empire, Great Britain, and France) actively used the resistance of the peoples of the Caucasus to weaken Russia and its influence in this region (Cheucheva, 1995). The leadership of the Polish revolutionary movement hoped to divert Russia's attention from Poland by turning it to the Caucasus.

To control the situation in Poland, the tsarist government was forced to constantly replenish the reserve troops stationed there, which included the horse-mountain regiment, recruited from natives of the Caucasus. For this purpose, Musa Kundukhov arrived in Warsaw in 1849. There he had friction with General Knyaz Bebutov, under whose command this regiment was located. As Kundukhov writes in his memoirs-

6 Unfortunately, we have not yet been able to get acquainted with Musa Kundukhov's full service record, with the exception of some references to his services to the tsarist authorities in the Caucasus.

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However, instead of the post of regiment commander, Bebutov offered him to manage the construction and economic part. The reason, according to Kundukhov, was that "the prince did not want to part with the regiment, which gave him an income of at least 10 thousand rubles a year" [Memoirs..., 1995, N 1, p.154]. Offended by such a proposal, Kundukhov intended to ask permission to return to the Caucasus, and only the intervention of soldiers who came with him and threatened a riot forced Bebutov to accept M. Kundukhov's demands [Memoirs..., 1995, N 1, p. 156]. However, already in April 1852, Kundukhov was forced to return after learning that one of his older brothers, Khasbulat, had gone to Chechnya. Having handed over the command of the regiment to Major Sultan Adil Giray, he went to the Caucasus [Memoirs..., 1995, N 1, p. 156].

Upon his return, M. Kundukhov was confronted with the suspicion of some military leaders in his secret contacts with Imam Shamil. The feeling of mutual distrust was quite often characteristic of the relations between the Caucasian authorities and" peaceful " mountaineers. The military authorities suspected them of having ties with rebellious tribes, sent spies, and at the first denunciation, even a false one, arrested them (recall the story of Hadji Murad) [Gammer, 1998, p. 178]. This attitude towards M. Kundukhov was due to the fact that two of his brothers - Hadji Murza (in 1843) and Khasbulat-joined Shamil 7. Khasbulat Kundukhov moved to Chechnya in 1851 and was appointed Naib8 in one of its western regions. His departure was connected with the activities of the Committee for the Analysis of personal and land rights of "natives" and the head of the Military Ossetian District, Baron I. A. Vrevsky, who demanded from the upper class letters and acts for land ownership. In view of the fact that before the establishment of the Russian administration in the region, nothing like this existed, since it was not necessary, the Aldars were threatened with confiscation of part of their property. At the end of the Committee's work, the right of communal use of land was approved, and the Aldar class was included in the number of ordinary community members ("philistines") [Periodical Press..., book 2, 1982, p. 184], which caused discontent among them.

During the Crimean War (1853-1856), with the rank of lieutenant Colonel, M. Kundukhov led the creation of the Mountain mounted militia and participated in major operations against the Turks in Transcaucasia. Upon its completion, having received the rank of colonel, he achieved significant success not only in the military, but also in the administrative field. Under the new Caucasian governor, Prince A. I. Baryatinsky (1856-1862), Colonel Kundukhov was appointed head of the Vladikavkaz military District in 1857 and remained in this position until 1859. [Periodical press..., book 3, 1987, p. 287].

This promotion led to a lot of rumors in the circle of his colleagues. Some of them believed that instead of working for the benefit of the Russian government, he would take advantage of his official position and engage in anti-Russian propaganda, inciting the highlanders to revolt. Despite all these rumors, Kundukhov enthusiastically set to work on a new task, proclaiming a program of transformation based on "the development of all citizenship and improvement in the people" [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 6, d. 275, l. 22]. He wrote about his projects: "I was very happy with my appointment, which gave me the opportunity to fulfill my long-standing sincere desires: the destruction of customs left in the people from barbaric times, which ruined their domestic uavs-

7 Unfortunately, the author has not yet been able to find more or less complete information about the composition of M. Kundukhov's family and its pedigree. In the article of Captain M. Gazdanov "On the question of the origin of the Tagaur Aldars", the following is said about the Kundukhov family:: "Before Musa Kundukhov, the entire family name of the Kundukhovs was not quite visible, but during the power of Musa Kundukhov, the entire Kundukhov family name was also powerful, and with Musa Kundukhov's relocation to Turkey, the Kundukhovs again became invisible" [Periodical Press..., Book 4, 1989, p. 335].

Naib 8 (Arabic) - Deputy. In this case, we are referring to the military leaders sent by Shamil to various regions of the Caucasus.

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state status, constantly supporting hostility, instead of good consent, on which national happiness depends" [Memoirs..., 1995, N 1, p. 161]. Addressing the population of the Vladikavkaz military district, Kundukhov justified the need to change the traditional way of life: "Dear peoples under my jurisdiction! When I took over your administration, I devoted myself to constant care and concern for your welfare. Being a countryman of your own country, and knowing well all your folk customs, I find them inconsistent with the spirit of the present time, obviously burdensome and ruining the domestic welfare, and also supporting enmity instead of good and God-loved harmony, as the most basic principle of the prosperity of peoples who believe in the one God "[Periodical Press..., book 2, 1982, p. 132].

Soon, the most influential people in the district issued a "public verdict" on the eradication of ruinous customs. A fine was supposed to be levied for non-compliance with the new provisions [Periodical Press..., book 3, 1987, p. 384]. The" public verdict " was approved by the commander of the troops of the left wing of the Caucasian Army, Lieutenant-General Count N. I. Evdokimov. The commission created the Ossetian People's Court, which consisted of 24 commissioners and 12 permanent members, elected from all classes, and also decided to ban blood feuds and punishment for murder in accordance with Russian laws, to reduce the kalyma and bring to a minimum the costs of commemorations that ruined even wealthy families. Speaking out against blood feuds, Kundukhov said:: "In the times of beznachalii, bloodshed had no borders, entire families were destroyed, and this boundless revenge, like a plague, hindered the development of all citizenship and improvement in the people" [Periodical Press..., book. 3, 1987, p. 384]. Under him, the bride price was reduced to 100 rubles (instead of 300-500 rubles), and 50 rubles were intended for the bride's parents for expenses during the wedding, and the other 50 rubles went in favor of the bride in the form of a dowry [Periodical Press..., Book 1, 1981, p. 197]. Kundukhov raised the question of increasing mahr 9 [Periodical Press..., book 3, 1987, p. 384].

The desire to eradicate these customs was really an important decision, since blood feuds at that time destroyed entire families, reducing the population, and the obligation to pay large kalym, hold expensive wedding celebrations and wake was a heavy burden on families. One of his contemporaries wrote about the ruinous nature of Kalym: "Many men and women live their blooming years unmarried; the more courageous of the guys kidnap girls, which often has sad consequences; many farms are completely ruined" [Periodical Press..., book. 3, 1987, p. 341]. But for the Caucasian society, where traditional relations dominated at that time, it was unthinkable to abandon the customs that had existed for centuries at one moment. Those who were ready for these changes were afraid of being judged by their neighbors. Therefore, Musa Kundukhov's ideas did not find a response in the local society. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, representatives of the Ossetian intelligentsia repeatedly spoke on the pages of newspapers with condemnation of ruinous customs and projects that were proposed by M. Kundukhov. In any case, he managed to do the most important thing - to restore shaky peace and tranquility in the district under his control. This was noted by Chief of the General Staff D. A. Milyutin and General N. I. Evdokimov, who expressed satisfaction with the fact that "the military Ossetian district has become the most reliable and well-maintained part of the left wing" [Memoirs..., 1995, No. 1, p.161].

In the Ossetian district, where a significant part of the population professed Christianity, Kundukhov carried out measures aimed at strengthening the position of the Orthodox-

Mahr is a part of the kalym given to the wife's property.

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th clergy 10. This led to complications. Thus, Metropolitan Gideon in his book called him a "Muslim fanatic" who "sowed hostility among Christian Ossetians against the Orthodox clergy and insisted on their eviction from Vladikavkaz, where they had their own parish" (Gideon, 1992, p. 72).

In 1857, simultaneously with the appointment of M. Kundukhov as head of the district, a new administrator of Ossetian parishes, Archimandrite Joseph, arrived in Ossetia [Periodical Press..., Book 3, 1987, p. 286]. The clergy were concerned about the conversion of Orthodox Ossetians to Islam, so Joseph soon made a trip to the villages of Ossetia. In a conversation with the old people of the village of Gizel to the question: "Why do Christians prefer the Mohammedan faith to the Christian one?" "they answered: "Because the head of the Vladikavkaz district is a Mohammedan - Musa Kundukhov, the elders in all Christian villages are people of the Mohammedan faith, therefore, if the Mohammedan faith was worse than the Christian one, the government would not appoint their Mohammedans over us" [Vladikavkaz..., 1900, p. 52]. Indeed, the appointment of village elders in Christian villages also depended on Kundukhov, who implemented the decisions of the new district chief. For example, a regulation was issued stating that every Christian who "takes a bride without having married, will take minor girls, whose wife will leave without prompting reasons" [Periodical Press..., book. 2, 1982, p. 188], will have to pay a fine of 25 rubles. According to one source, the money from fines was used to pay for the education of Muslim children in Muslim educational institutions [Periodical Press..., book 2, 1982, p. 188]. The Vladikavkaz Diocesan Gazette describes Kundukhov's meeting with Archpriest A. Koliev, whom he threatened to "blow off his head with a saber if he supported Archimandrite Joseph and did not weaken his actions contrary to the spirit of Islam" (Urumagov, 1900, pp. 53-54). According to an article by an anonymous author, "The estate question in Ossetia", published in the newspaper "Kazbek "in 1902,"before Musa Kundukhov formed the party of privilege seekers in Ossetia, there was no religious antagonism between Ossetians and there were cases when Mohammedans came to help the clergy in spreading Christianity among the mountaineers, of course for money." And then: "All Orthodox Ossetia (not excluding the Mohammedans led by mullahs) harbors deep hatred for the consequences of Kundukhov's ideas" [Periodical Press..., book 2, 1982, pp. 188-189].

At the end of 1859, Kundukhov, with the rank of Major General, was appointed head of the Chechen district and commander of the troops stationed there. It was at this time (1860) that the well - known "Proclamation to the Chechen People"11, in which, on behalf of Emperor Alexander II, privileges were declared for Chechens who accepted Russian citizenship [RGVIA, f. 23, op. 1, d. 398, l.76 ob. - 79]. Based on this document, Kundukhov negotiated with the elders of the clans to end the resistance and restore peace. Thanks to his efforts, a new uprising in Chechnya was prevented.

However, some time later, General Kundukhov, disappointed in the actions of the tsarist government, wrote: "Every year I felt more and more the humiliated position of the people and the burden of my service, but I still hoped in vain for a better future... I forced myself to continue my service assiduously and to look down with cold-blooded contempt on slander. Finally, it is already very sad, but

10 The episcopal see in Vladikavkaz was opened in 1875 as a vicariate of the Georgian Exarchate. It became independent in 1894. Its first archpastor was His Grace Joseph (in the world Ivan Chepigovsky), who since 1857 was archimandrite and administrator of the Ossetian parishes of the Vladikavkaz district [Gedeon, 1992, p. 71].

11 Its full name: "Proclamation to the Chechen people by the Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Army, Viceroy of the Caucasus, Field Marshal-General Prince A. I. Baryatinsky".

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I was convinced by a very clear argument and facts of my error, as well as that my service is nothing but a low craft: to seek happiness in the misery of my neighbors" [Memoirs..., 1994, N 4, p.144].

Since 1864, his life has changed dramatically. This year, the conquest of the Northwestern Caucasus, most of the population of which was evicted to the Ottoman Empire, was completed, and the end of the Caucasian War was solemnly declared. It was then that Musa Kundukhov became the head of five thousand Chechen families and several hundred Ossetian Muhajir settlers to the Ottoman Empire.

During the more than 40-year period of the Caucasian War (1818-1864), military chiefs were replaced, and each of them sought to make their own adjustments to the economic life of the region and the territorial settlement of the mountain peoples. "Every commander who enjoys the confidence of his superior waged war as he pleased" [Gummer, 1998, p. 199]. As a result, many officers "indulged in whims and turned the war with the Highlanders into a kind of entertainment, meaningless and having no connection with the general situation" [Gummer, 1998, p.199]. During 1863, the highest Caucasian authorities discussed two methods of action in Chechnya. The first one assumed the relocation of all Chechens by force of arms to the left bank of the Terek and Sunzha Rivers "with the establishment of villages of the 1st and 2nd Sunzha regiments in their places" [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 48]. The second one provided for a gradual reduction of the population of mountainous Chechnya with its voluntary relocation to the plain or eviction to Ottoman Turkey [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 48]. The commander of troops in the Terek region, General M. T. Loris-Melikov, presented to the Chief of the General Staff of the Caucasian Army, Adjutant-General A. P. Kartsev, a project for resettling Chechens beyond the Terek and to Malaya Kabarda, and Malokabardins to Bolshaya Kabarda12. For this purpose, troops from the Western Caucasus were relocated to Chechnya [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 29 vol.]. By resettling the Chechens, the tsarist government intended to put them under the control of Cossack settlements and cut them off from contacts with mountainous Dagestan, thereby preventing the possibility of new unrest. Kundukhov was one of the first to learn about the upcoming action, moreover, he was offered to lead the operation. He reacted extremely negatively to this plan. Kundukhov warned that if the eviction of Chechens from their lands begins, "not only Chechnya will rise up, but the entire Eastern Caucasus will rise up along with the Chechens, and the war will last again for several years, with the only difference being that now mothers, throwing their children at the bayonets of soldiers, will fight together with men" [Memoirs..., 1995, No. 2, p. 119]. Moreover, until recently, the "Proclamation" promised the Chechens: "Your lands, which you own or which are endowed with the Russian authorities, will be approved for you by acts and plans in your inalienable possession" [Memoirs..., 1995, N 1, p. 162]. But the best land was confiscated and given over to Cossack villages, which in the conditions of low-land Chechnya threatened the population with starvation. M. Kundukhov saw the only way out of the current situation, which could prevent a general unrest in the Caucasus, in the emigration of Chechens, dissatisfied with the tsarist rule, from Kabul-

12 An officer of the General Staff of the Russian Empire Johann Blaramberg wrote in 1834: "The borders of Greater Kabarda on three sides are the upper course of the Podkumok River, the Malka and Terek rivers; in the south it borders on the lands of Ossetians, Balkars and Chegemtsy. The border of Malaya Kabarda in the west is the Terek River; in the north it borders Mozdoksky uyezd. The northern bank of the Sunzha River separates it from the Chechens and the left bank from the Ingush; in the south, it borders on the territories of the Ossetians and Ingush" (Blaramberg, 1999: 200-201).

As a result of the project to relocate Chechens to Malaya Kabarda, the ethnic composition of the population has become even more heterogeneous. Now Kabardians, Kumyks, Ossetians, Chechens, Ingush, Karabulaks and Galgaevs lived there. As noted in the report of the land Commission of 1865, Little Kabarda " ... is now the most restless and hostile population of all the tribes of the North Caucasus, divided by the historical past, alien in language, customs and religion, and disagree even in economic needs and habits "[Territory..., 1992, p. 101].

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kov and parts of the Ossetians to the Ottoman Empire. On May 17, 1864, Alexander II approved Kundukhov's project and authorized him to deal with the resettlement of Chechens and Ossetians [Baderkhan, 2001, p.27]. One of the conditions for the success of the case, Kundukhov considered the complete secrecy of his personal participation [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 11 vol.]. If he openly organized the resettlement with the official support of the tsarist authorities, then in the eyes of the mountaineers he would look like a traitor and careerist, who pushed people to hard trials for the sake of money and honors.

The tsarist government supported the initiative of the Major General, agreed to his terms and allocated funds for the implementation of the plan. It was planned to evict all influential Muslim families from Ossetia. Thus, it was possible to realize the long-standing dream of the tsarist authorities - to strengthen Orthodoxy in Ossetia and in the heart of the Caucasus, surrounded by Muslim peoples, to strengthen the position of their ally [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 31 vol.]. Some military leaders were not completely sure of the successful outcome of the case. Loris-Melikov began to suspect M. "With such firm confidence, with which General Kundukhov expresses himself in this sense, it is possible to doubt the peaceful outcome of the case, assuming that General Kundukhov himself is either completely mistaken about the mood of the natives, or he is deliberately deceiving us, intending to produce a general uprising in the Eastern direction. In the Caucasus, so that you can stand at the head of it yourself. But I find it absolutely impossible to assume the latter" [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 25 vol.].

In August 1864, Musa Kundukhov went to Constantinople to negotiate with the Turkish government regarding resettlement. Grand Wazir Fuad Pasha and other high dignitaries of the Porte were enthusiastic about this idea, especially they wanted to see General Kundukhov in the military service of the Turkish government [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 25 vol.]. However, Muhajir leaders familiar with the state of affairs in Turkey Knowing what awaits the migrants, they were asked to take their time, waiting for the imminent war of Ottoman Turkey and France with Russia, which will distract the Russian armed forces from the Caucasus, which will allow the highlanders to continue their resistance [Memoirs..., 1995, N 2, p. 122]. After returning to Russia, Kundukhov submitted a report to Count Evdokimov, in which he noted that the Porte agreed to accept and place five thousand Chechen families in the territories between the Kare River and Lake Baikal. Van; he also expressed his desire to take the lead of the settlers [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 11 vol.]. General Loris-Melikov described Kundukhov's decision as follows: "As you know, General Kundukhov cannot be blamed for his lack of intelligence, just as it is impossible to reject that from the side of ambition it is much more profitable for him to become the head of immigrants to Turkey than a short-term leader of the uprising in the Caucasus" [Resettlement to Turkey, p. 1]. Active preparation for resettlement has begun. In Turkey, the Russian Ambassador to Constantinople, Count N. P. Ignatiev, was engaged in this, and in Russia, Musa Kundukhov. Initially, he did not even know whether he would remain in Constantinople forever or, having organized the resettlement, return to Russia and settle in Odessa [ASRSO - A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l.11 vol.].

The campaign for resettlement began with meetings with Chechen and Karabulak elders Naib Saadulla, Alazhuko Tsugov and other respected people, since the successful outcome of the case depended on their decision. The conversation was structured in such a way that many of the participants themselves came to the conclusion that it was necessary to relocate to Turkey, since in Russia they are waiting for an inglorious fate and a humiliating existence [Memoirs..., 1995, N 2, p.126]. However, one group of people present strongly opposed the idea of relocation. Not wanting to leave Chechnya, it was ready for a new uprising. We have already seen an example - the resettlement of the Chechen and Military Ossetian districts in 1860-1861, when many people died, and the remaining ones tried to return to the Caucasus [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 5, d. 20-21].

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The Russian government also doubted that the relocation would be successful. The head of the Argun district, Major A. P. Ippolitov, remarked: "I can positively say that the people do not think about voluntary resettlement to Turkey; at the general assembly, they announced to me that they would go only when the whole of Chechnya was gone, or when they were ordered to go. These were not just words, the people really do not want resettlement, well aware that they are too poor for this" [Resettlement to Turkey, p. 1]. Musa Kundukhov still managed to convince the elders of the need for resettlement, promising that in Turkey they will not lack for anything and at the first opportunity opportunities with the help of the Turkish army "will liberate the Caucasus from the Russians" [Memoirs..., 1995, N 2, p. 126].

Researchers cite several main reasons that prompted the mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Transcaucasia to leave their homeland and move to the Ottoman Empire: the inability of small-numbered peoples to resist the regular Russian army, numbering hundreds of thousands of soldiers, the uncertainty of the land issue, as well as the desire of the mountaineers to live in the country of the faithful (dar al-Islam) and [AVPRI, f. 180, op. 517/2, d. 5084, l. 128; Periodical press..., book 4, 1989, p. 219]. Together with Kundukhov, mainly the Aldarian surnames left Ossetia: Kanukovs, Mamsurovs, Tkhostovs, Esenovs, Dudarovs and others (Skitsky, 1947, p.172) with their subordinates. That is why Kundukhov persuasively asked the Caucasian authorities to allow the relocation of up to 200 households from the Kabardian and Ossetian districts, 100 families from each district (Totoev, 1949, p. 83).

One of the conditions set by Musa Alkazovich for the speedy organization of resettlement was the issuance of monetary compensation for 2,800 dessiatines of land in Ossetia (the family estate of Skut-Koch) and a large stone house built on it. Having received from the treasury 45 thousand rubles in silver for his lands and property, as well as 10 thousand for immigrants [ASRSO-A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 9, l. 68], on May 18-25, 1865, he sent the first batch from Vladikavkaz, which included his family and relatives. Migrants were allowed to take livestock and movable property with them. In addition, the guide of each party was given 150 rubles to provide shelter and food during the journey [ASRSO-A, f. 19, op. 1, d. 3, l. 50]. A total of 28 groups of displaced persons were sent. Chechen muhajirs were moving along the Georgian Military Road along the Vladikavkaz-Mtskheta - Atskuri - Akhaltsikhe - Akhalkalaki route. The last groups crossed the border on September 10-17, 1865. In the report of the head of the Commission on the arrival and expenditure of funds for displaced persons, it was noted that a total of 4,889 families of 23057 people were evicted. More than a thousand of them left Kabardians and Ossetians with the first batches. The government spent 130 thousand rubles in silver on the displaced persons [ASRSO-A, f. 19, op. 1, d. 25, l. 11]. Thus, the resettlement was carried out taking into account the necessary costs and needs of Muhajirs, which was strikingly different from the previous and subsequent stages of eviction of mountaineers.

Initially, according to the project of the Turkish government, Chechens and Ossetians were supposed to be located near the Russian border in the area from the Soganlug ridge to Lake Van, but Russia did not need such neighbors at all. And after Kundukhov, Staff Captain A. S. Zelenoy was sent to Constantinople, whose task was to arrange for the placement of immigrants away from the Russian borders. Due to Russia's tough stance on this issue and Zelensky's personal efforts, Chechen muhajirs were sent to the area of Diyarbekar and Erzincan [RGVIA, f. 38, op. 1, d. 49, l. 24]. Having met M. Kundukhov on the way, A. S. Zelenaya wrote in a letter to the head of the Caucasian Mountain Department that the Turks were watching Kundukhov and did not trust him, that he did not expect such an attitude towards himself and wanted to ask the emperor for permission to return to Russia after he had settled the immigrants [ASRSO - A, f. 12, op. 8, d. 19, l. 27 vol.]. The Russian military authorities conducted an extensive

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correspondence on this issue. By joining the Turkish service, General Kundukhov became a danger to Russia: after all, he was familiar with the situation in the Caucasus, with the deployment of Russian troops there, and with the specifics of Russian military policy. Adjutant-General Kartsev, a sincere friend of his, before leaving, requested that in case of war he not join the troops against the Russians, or at least not write letters from Turkey to the Caucasus calling on the mountaineers to rebel. Kundukhov refused the first request, but agreed to the second, explaining that he was not an enemy of his people and was not going to push them to shed even more blood [Memoirs..., 1995, N 2, pp. 127-128].

Kundukhov himself wrote the following about his position in the Ottoman Empire:: "On July 22, I arrived in Kara, where I was received with great honors and cannon fire. In 1867, he was recognized as a Pasha with the rank of Mir-Liv" [Memoirs..., 1995, No. 1, p. 132]. In general, Kundukhov's career was developing well in Turkey, which cannot be said about the people he pushed to relocate. Many Chechens approached the Russian borders in 1868, demanding to be allowed to return, and only a few of them managed to return to their homes through Georgia and Dagestan [ASRSO-A, f. 18, op. 8, d. 13, l. 32]. As for the Ossetians, by 1890 there were at least 1,500 people living in the Mush Sanjak, mostly well - to-do families [Kolyubakin, 1890, p.54-150]. One of the participants of the resettlement, I. Kanukov, wrote in his travel notes that the Muhajirs were dissatisfied with their living conditions and blamed Kundukhov, not the Turkish government, for this. Moreover, some of them, in particular the Karabulaks, wanted to kill him because he deceived them by persuading them to move to Turkey [Periodical Press..., Book 4, 1989, p. 220].

In 1874, in preparation for war with Turkey, the tsarist government sent General R. A. Fadeev to Istanbul, where he met with Shamil's son - Gazi-Muhammad and Musa Kundukhov. R. A. Fadeev, on behalf of the government of the Russian Empire, suggested that they create an autonomous state on the border with Afghanistan 13, subordinate to the Russian tsar. It was intended to relocate Muslims from the Caucasus at the expense of the tsarist treasury. 14 The goals of such a proposal were clear: to secure their rear; to create an anti-British state to resist British colonial influence; to relocate mountaineers who had previously been expelled to Turkey, away from the Russian borders, since many Muhajirs were settled in the border areas between the Cholok and Chorokh rivers, near Guria cordon line. Gazi-Mukhammed and M. Kundukhov rejected this proposal (Magomeddadaev, 2001: 81-82).

During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. Musa Pasha Kundukhov commanded a cavalry regiment made up of mountain migrants, fighting on the Caucasian Front against his former comrades-in-arms [Barzadzh, 1996, p.139]. For his military achievements, he was appointed chief of the General Staff of the Turkish troops in Asia Minor [Periodical Press..., Book 4, 1989, p. 219]. For him and his new compatriots, this war ended ingloriously and destroyed the last hopes of a victorious return to the Caucasus. In 1878, he settled in Erzerum and for some time commanded the 8th Division in Western Armenia [AVPRI, f. 151, op. 482, d. 1626, l. 47 vol.].

13 In accordance with the treaties concluded between Great Britain, Russia and Afghanistan (October 17 (29), 1872 and January 19 (31), 1873), the northern border of Afghanistan was recognized as the Amu Darya River (in the upper reaches of the Panj River) from the Khoja Saleh post to Lake Zorkul (Victoria) [Arunova, Shumilov, 1998, p. 10].

14 There are two versions as to who exactly presented the project to the displaced leaders. The surname of R. A. Fadeev is found in the work of A. Magomeddadaev [Magomeddadaev, 2001, p. 81-82] and in the book of the Jordanian historian of Caucasian origin N. Barzadzh [Barzadzh, 1987, p. 126]. However, in the translation of this book into Russian, it is said that General A. P. Kartsev arrived in the Ottoman Empire on a special mission [Barzadzh, 1996, p. 149]. This raises questions about who exactly was sent to Istanbul on this assignment and whether there was an error in the translation of N. Barzadj's books.

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Musa Kundukhov was active during the suppression of the Kurdish uprising in 1887 under the leadership of Sheikh Obeidullah, breaking the resistance of the Kurds and forcing Obeidullah to surrender. Given the success of this operation, the Ottoman government sent him to the Baghdad Vilayet in 1888 to suppress the unrest of the Hamanda and Hammar tribes (Avakian, 2002, p. 200). Upon returning to Erzerum, M. Kundukhov resigned.

All this time, Musa Pasha continued to contact representatives of the Russian consulate and provide them with military and political information. Thus, from the report of the titular adviser N. Preobrazhensky, the manager of the Consulate General in Erzerum, dated November 28, 1887, it follows that, being in opposition to Vali Mustafa Pasha, Kundukhov transmitted confidential information about the construction of military fortifications on the Gyurji-Bogaz and Deveboynik passes [AVPRI, f. 151, op. 482, d. 1626, l. 42, 51]. Apparently, his cooperation with Russian officials was not free of charge, but it is difficult to say under what conditions these contacts took place. He spent the rest of his life in Erzerum and was buried in the Harmanli Mosque in 1889. [Degoev, 1994, p. 109].

At the end of his life, General Kundukhov wrote his memoirs, where he outlined his vision of the tsarist policy in the Caucasus and the role that he played in the events that took place at that time. The following words speak eloquently about this: "I, as a soldier, belonged to the tsar, but as a man, in no case could I not belong to the people. And so he had to move to a place where the best part of him, including more than a hundred thousand households, abandoned everything and rushed to escape from cruel persecution" [Memoirs..., N 4, 1994, p. 144].

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