On November 19, 2007, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted the conference "Iran and Islamic Countries", which was attended by representatives of the scientific circles of Moscow, Tehran, Kazan, Yelets, as well as employees of the Embassy of Iran in the Russian Federation and the Cultural Representation of Iran in Russia, students and postgraduates of Moscow universities. The conference heard 14 reports in which the authors tried to determine the place of Iran in the group of Muslim countries, the main problems of Iran's relations with these countries at the current stage of development.

One of the main topics of discussion was Iran's participation in the work of the OIC. As you know, representatives of Islamic countries after the arson of the Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem in September 1969 in Rabat decided to create an organization that united Muslim countries-the OIC (Organization of the Islamic Conference). Iran was one of the founders of the OIC.

Dr. Mohammad Ali Azarshab (University of Tehran) drew attention to the fact that after the Islamic Revolution, the new leadership of the country initially ignored both the activities of the OIC and the possibility of Iran's participation in this organization to establish ties with other Muslim countries. IRI believed that third countries exerted strong pressure on the activities of the OIC (and are still trying to do so). It is significant, from the point of view of the speaker, that at one of the meetings of the foreign Ministers of the OIC member countries, Saddam Hussein was awarded the title "Amir - ul-muminin" ("lord of the faithful") during the Iraq-Iran war, but after the Iraqi attack on Kuwait, he was called "the damned Shaitan". However, soon the position of Iran was radically changed, a permanent representative to the OIC in Jeddah was appointed, and now Iran takes an active part in the work of this organization, trying to use it to strengthen trust relations with Muslim countries. Currently, the representative of Iran is the Deputy Secretary General of the OIC. In its activities, Iran pays special attention to Islamic unity and defining the role of Muslim civilization. -

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It raises the issues of reviving Islamic culture to such a level that it meets the needs of modern development and other world civilizations.

According to Azarshab, a positive result of the OIC's activities was the coordinated position of Islamic scholars in matters of theology and opposition to alien ideological trends. At the same time, as Azarshab acknowledged, many of the planned projects, especially on the rapprochement of Islamic maskhabs (Theological and legal schools), have not been implemented. Contradictions among Islamic countries are quite strong both among the political leadership and among religious authorities. The official position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to the OIC is to prepare and implement projects that would contribute to the revival of the self-esteem of Muslims, using all available scientific, cultural and informational opportunities. One of the areas of activity should be countering the intervention of foreign culture.

After a discussion about the last thesis, which contradicts the previous one - about the need to use information opportunities and scientific and technological achievements, Azarshab gave his understanding of the causes of extremism and terrorism in various regions of the Islamic world. He noted that such manifestations are either a reaction to insulting the religious feelings of Muslims, or the result of the influence of the special services of certain countries, or the result of ignorance and illiteracy of the population. And if the Muslim world can neutralize the influence of subversive activities and raise the intellectual and scientific-technical level of Muslims, protect their honor and dignity, then it will eradicate terrorism and extremism among the Muslim population.

N. M. Mammadova's report (IB RAS) is devoted to the current problems of economic development of modern Muslim states and the role of Iran in their solution. Having considered the macroeconomic characteristics of the economic potential of Iran and Islamic states, she noted that the increased political potential of Islamic countries is affected by the level of their economic development. At the same time, their share in world GDP is 5.6%, while Iran occupies only 0.5% of world GDP, according to PPP-0.9% (in 2005 - 1 %). The dynamics of Iran's GDP, although characterized by significant fluctuations, was generally positive, and the average annual growth rate was 5.7% in 2000-2006. At the same time, due to the complications of Iran's relations with the international community due to the development of the nuclear program and the reduction of foreign capital inflows, GDP growth is projected to decrease (to 4.7% by 2010). According to the author's calculations, the per capita income in Islamic countries was $ 2,060, in PPP - $ 4,153, which gives grounds to classify them as low-and middle-income countries, and in Iran - $ 3,000, in PPP - $ 8,490. Therefore, it can be attributed to the group of middle-income countries) Iran, judging by macroeconomic indicators, managed to achieve even greater progress, take advantage of rising oil prices and increase fixed capital as a source of further growth. But even oil prices have not been able to provide a real increase in the country's required production capacity, a real increase in the standard of living of the majority of the population.

Data for the first half of 2007 indicate that inflation has begun to spiral due to rising fuel prices. So far, it is possible to "cope" with inflation, partly by increasing imports, but at the same time there is a lot of negative pressure on the domestic industry. At the same time, this increases Iran's dependence on imports from EU countries, although Iran is gradually shifting its oil export flows to China, India and South Korea. The introduction of an embargo on gasoline supplies to Iran, of course, contributed to the destabilization of the domestic situation, and the establishment of quotas for its sale in the country led to unrest. But quite effective countermeasures were also taken: private capital was allowed to participate in oil refining, licenses were issued mainly for the production of gasoline, customs controls were strengthened at the borders with Pakistan and Afghanistan, since a significant share of Iranian gasoline is illegally exported to neighboring countries due to its low price.

Thus, the problems of unemployment, inflation, the growing stratification of Iranian society, the lag in living standards of the population not only from the oil countries of the Gulf, but also from Turkey remained unresolved and worsened.

In the last five years, the investment rate in Muslim countries has started to grow. In Iran, this figure was 37% at the beginning of 2006. But due to the decline in business activity in

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As a result of the sanctions imposed on Iran by the United States and the UN Security Council, the capital investment rate decreased to 33% by the end of 2006, i.e. the basic reserve for GDP growth was reduced. The decline in foreign investment was particularly noticeable. Their net inflow at the beginning of 2007 was only $ 30 million. Although the participation of Islamic countries in world trade (15.4%) is twice their share in world GDP, their positions can be considered strong only in terms of filling the oil market. Neither the total exports of Islamic countries nor their imports exceed the exports and imports of China and India.

Iran's share in world trade is small: in exports-0.6% (and only due to oil exports), in imports-0.4%. The share of industrial exports that characterize the country's level of industrial development is high only in those countries that do not export crude oil and gas (Bangladesh - 90%, Turkey-82%, Pakistan - 82%). The share of Iran's industrial exports is 9% (as in Saudi Arabia). In recent years, Iran's oil exports have clearly shifted to the Asian market, while its imports are mainly focused on European countries. Thus, sanctions that restrict imports to Iran most affect the interests of European countries, and those that restrict oil exports, which is unlikely, affect large Asian economies.

N. M. Mammadova believes that if we talk about the economic potential of Islamic countries in general, they show a fairly high dynamics of economic growth, which allows them not only not to lose their share in the world economy, but also to increase it.

A. I. Polishchuk (Institute of International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences) addressed the issue of Iran's foreign economic cooperation with the countries of the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Iraq, Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Central Asian region. It was noted that the UAE, being the largest foreign trade partner of Iran (in 2006, the trade turnover amounted to $ 11.8 billion), is also a transit territory for cargo sent for subsequent re-export to third countries. Iran's trade relations with Turkey, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are actively developing, with trade turnover in 2006 amounting to more than $ 6 billion, $ 356 million, $ 347 million, $ 236 million, $ 136 million and $ 59 million, respectively. A special place in the sphere of foreign economic cooperation between Iran and Muslim countries, according to the speaker, is occupied by Iraq and Afghanistan due to the difficult internal political situation in these countries. However, Afghanistan is one of Iran's traditional trading partners, with a trade turnover of $ 410 million in 2006. At the same time, Iran is actively involved in the reconstruction of the economy of Afghanistan, to which it has provided gratuitous assistance in the amount of about $ 30 million. At the same time, economic relations between Iran and Iraq continue to expand, with trade turnover between them in 2006. it amounted to about $ 550 million. Iran carries out mutually beneficial cooperation in the development of the electric power industry, exchange, transit of electricity and interconnection of energy systems with both Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, as well as with the Transcaucasian states - Azerbaijan and Armenia.

A block of reports was devoted to the political aspect of Iran's relations with the Muslim world. Thus, V. I. Sazhin (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences), based on the position that Iran plays a significant role in the Middle East and world politics, also considers it as an important factor of stability and security in this region. The speaker believes that in recent years, the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran has clearly demonstrated that it sees the task of turning the country into a regional superpower with financial and significant economic power, acting as an energy donor to many world powers, as its historical mission. However, this does not mean that Iran's regional interests run counter to those of other Middle Eastern States. On the contrary, the international political practice of recent years has shown that many regional problems cannot be solved without Iran's participation, in particular, the fight against drug trafficking, the crisis in Iraq, the normalization of the situation in Afghanistan, national reconciliation in Tajikistan, stabilization in the Caucasus, the solution of legal problems in the use of the Caspian Sea and, more broadly, economic cooperation and dialogue among civilizations.

Tehran has done a lot in recent years to intensify Iran-Iraq interstate relations. However, official events do not limit Iran's influence on post-Saddam Iraq. Tehran continues to play the Shiite card. At the same time, Iran seeks not to advertise its support for the Shiite coalition of Iraq and puts forward the thesis

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that the democratization of Iraq cannot be imposed from the outside and all reforms must be carried out by national structures, taking into account the cultural, historical and social characteristics of the Iraqi state. In Iraq, Iran uses a variety of "Shiite levers". First of all, we are talking about supporting radical Shiite groups, including Muqtadh al-Sadr, a supporter of the Iranian revolutionary path according to the precepts of Ayatollah Khomeini and an ardent opponent of the United States. At the same time, Iran is negotiating with the United States on the Iraq issue.

Speaking about the problem of Iran-Afghanistan relations, V. I. Sazhin noted that Iran has a significant influence on the current situation in Afghanistan. The commonality of historical roots, language, culture, religion, customs and traditions create a sociopsychological basis for Iran's successful solution of the tasks of helping the Afghan people in the reconstruction and modernization of Afghanistan. And Iran is actively engaged in such work. So, in the list of 35 countries that invest in the economy of Afghanistan, Iran ranks 4th. But, of course, Tehran does not act in a neighboring country out of altruistic motives. According to the Iranian leadership, the main threat to its national interests currently emanates from the Afghan territory - a foreign (primarily American) military presence. According to V. I. Sazhin, after the Ahmadinejad team came to power in Iran, the postulates of Tehran's foreign policy in the Afghan direction have undergone some changes. In its anti-American struggle, Tehran began to play the "Afghan card" more actively. According to some reports of Russian researchers, which are confirmed by Afghan parliamentarians, Iran has begun to support the opponents of Kabul and its former enemies-the Taliban. Thus, Iran's current policy on Afghanistan is contradictory. On the one hand, Iran contributes to the economic revival of Afghanistan, on the other hand, it helps to strengthen its presence there as opposed to the United States and the Western alliance.

Iran is one of the few (and perhaps the only) countries that does not recognize the possibility of the very existence of the State of Israel. The entire Palestinian direction of Tehran's Middle East policy is based on this constant. Therefore, Iran has not approved any international project to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian crisis. Tehran believes that the possibility of unblocking the Middle East peace process may lead to a change in the balance of forces in the region not in favor of Iran. At the same time, Iran is extremely interested in not being isolated from participation in the most important political processes in the Middle East (including on the Palestinian issue), and at the same time constantly strengthening its presence in the region. Tehran has repeatedly expressed its intention to support the Islamic resistance in southern Lebanon and Palestine, which is, in fact, a peculiar method of exercising Iranian influence in the region. Based on the logic of the military-political doctrine of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the peaceful outcome of the Israel-Palestine dialogue is a catastrophe for the ideological and political system of the Islamic regime in Iran. Therefore, the radicals in Tehran cannot allow this to happen.

Despite the significant improvement in Iran's relations with its Arab neighbors in the Persian Gulf, which was the result of the positive policies of former President Khatami, numerous problems remain. Schematically, they can be expressed as follows:: Iran seeks to join the regional security system and the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf ( GCC). The Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf are afraid of such a powerful neighbor and are trying to isolate Iran politically, especially since the GCC countries are allies of the United States. However, despite this, Iran has stepped up its policy in the Gulf, which President Ahmadinejad has called a priority. Moreover, this policy is conducted in two areas: diplomatic and military. On the one hand, Tehran is trying to persuade its Gulf neighbors to move away from the West and create a common security system. On the other hand, foreign policy activity is supported by unprecedented military activity.

As a result, it can be stated that the Islamic Republic of Iran has been pursuing an offensive foreign policy in the region in recent years, based solely on its own interests, which are gradually changing their external shell: from clerical to nationalistic.

Speakers M. Imanipour (Iran), A. Azarshab, as well as Russian Iranists questioned the reliability of the data contained in V. I. Sazhin's report on support for the Taliban, since materials about this were contained only in the American and Western media during periods when the question of sanctions against Iran was raised.

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S. M. Ravandi-Fadai (IV RAS) focused on Iran's relations with the Shiite movement in Iraq. Her assessment of Iran's influence on Shiite organizations in Iraq generally did not contradict Sazhin's assessment. Iran, she noted, is objectively interested in ensuring that the Shiite-Sunni contradictions do not lead to the collapse of Iraq along confessional and national lines, as this will inevitably affect the stability in Iran. She drew particular attention to the fact that one of the most effective tools of Iran's influence is the historically established tradition of grouping Shiite clergy around religious centers, and that many of the representatives of the Iranian political, cultural and scientific elite are closely associated with religious schools in Karbala and especially Nejef.

L. M. Kulagina (Institute of Foreign Policy of the Russian Academy of Sciences) analyzed the problem of the evolution of priorities in the foreign policy of Iran with the Arab-Muslim countries of the Middle East. In her opinion, the situation around Iran in connection with its nuclear program causes an inadequate reaction of the nearest Arab neighbors. On the one hand, they are afraid of the consequences of an American strike on Iran, and on the other, they do not want to cause dissatisfaction with the United States. The author of the report believes that Iran's desire to master nuclear technology, political dominance in the region, achievements in the scientific and technical sphere, as well as the ability to conduct a dialogue with the Shiite minority in the territories of Arab states raises concerns of the ruling Arab elite. Moreover, it sees Iran's policy as a threat to its influence in the region. At the same time, Iran is actively developing its relations with many Arab countries and Central Asian states - Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, as well as Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Russia. And Iran's partnership with Turkey, Russia and the Caspian littoral states in the face of the threat from the United States and a number of European countries is of particular strategic importance for it, as it helps to reduce the country's political isolation and reduces the effectiveness of sanctions against it.
Topic of the speech by S. B. Druzhilovsky (MGIMO(U) Russian Foreign Ministry) became the constructivism of Iran's policy in the Central Asian region and Afghanistan, which contributes to the development of cooperation and military-political stability in the region. According to the speaker, this is evidenced by the participation of Iran in the inter-Tajik settlement, the policy of integrating the Central Asian republics into the Economic Cooperation Organization, efforts to restore the Great Silk Road, readiness to provide its territory for the promotion of goods of these republics to the open sea, as well as the provision of tangible financial and technical assistance to neighboring Afghanistan. This policy is based, on the one hand, on the principle of Islamic solidarity, which is reflected, in particular, in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and, on the other, on pragmatic considerations, i.e., the desire to maintain the position of a regional leader. Iran's emphasis on the cultural component that united many of the Central Asian countries in the past is also important. As for Afghanistan, Iran is pursuing a policy of constructive dialogue while providing serious material and technical assistance. In general, the speaker believes that Iran's policy in the Central Asian direction indicates the realism of the Iranian leadership and the desire to have more points of contact with Russia, which continues to have a serious impact on the processes taking place in the region.
The current state of Iran-Pakistan relations in the political and economic fields is reflected in the report of M. R. Arunova (IB RAS). In her opinion, quite intensive bilateral contacts have been carried out recently between the two countries at various levels: meetings of top officials of Iran and Pakistan, cooperation in international organizations (UN, ECO, OIC), activation of dialogue between law enforcement agencies, development of trade and economic ties. Thus, in 2007, the dialogue between the law enforcement agencies of the two countries intensified. In August, the sixth meeting of the joint working group on security issues at the level of first deputy interior ministers was held in Tehran. The talks focused on the activities of the Balochistan Liberation Army, and Islamabad received assurances from Tehran that militants of this separatist organization will not be allowed to enter Iran. In addition, issues of joint fight against terrorism and criminal structures, smuggling of goods, suppression of drug trafficking, as well as border security and providing consular access to convicts were considered in great detail. Agreements were reached on the creation of a special subgroup for the exchange of information, close cooperation between border services and agencies, with the exception of-

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on the initiative of Tehran, the preparation of a bilateral agreement on security issues.

As for Iran's nuclear program, Islamabad considers legitimate its right as a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to develop a "peaceful atom", provided that the principles of its non-proliferation are observed, and at the same time it is noticeably annoyed with its neighbor's atomic ambitions and looks forward to further developments in the region with concern. At the same time, the author notes that the volume of trade and economic cooperation does not correspond to the potential capabilities of both countries, and the entire complex of relations in the political and trade and economic fields is negatively affected by the remaining problems and controversial issues.

N. A. Filin (RSUH) presented a comparative analysis of the stability of political systems in relation to the manifestations of terrorist tendencies in Iran and the region. The speaker noted that the stability of the entire world is affected by the terrorist threat in the Muslim countries of the Middle East, where the main "incubator" of terrorist organizations is located, and most of the oil reserves are located, which makes the countries of the entire world community dependent on its supplies. Taking the beginning of the US operation in Iraq in March 2003 as a starting point, we can see that the terrorist threat has not increased in all Muslim countries and territories. In Turkey and Kashmir, the number of terrorist attacks decreased, while in Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Israel, Algeria and Egypt, their number increased. Iran was affected to a lesser extent than other countries in the region, and most of the terrorist attacks occurred on the outskirts of Iran and did not affect the life of other parts of the country. According to the speaker, this indicates the stability of the Iranian political system.

E. S. Melkumyan (ISAA at Moscow State University) devoted her report to the Islamic factor in relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf countries. In the works of Western researchers, she noted, in recent years, much attention has been paid to the study of the causes of conflicts in which Muslim countries are involved. According to S. Huntington, this is due to the lack of a single recognized leader of the Muslim Ummah. It really is. Among the States claiming this role are two Gulf States-Saudi Arabia and Iran. Many Western researchers are also trying to analyze conflicts within the Islamic world. The Persian Gulf region provides examples of such conflicts. This includes the Iran-Iraq war, which was caused by contradictions between Shiites and Sunnis, and internal instability in post-Saddam Iraq, which many researchers attribute to the same reasons.

In modern political practice, the differences between the main branches of Islam, such as Sunnism and Shiism, arise primarily in connection with the development of the situation in Iraq. The struggle for power in the newly created state administration bodies and local power distribution after the collapse of Saddam Hussein's regime is at the heart of the Sunni-Shiite clashes. Iran's support for radical Shiite movements cannot be ruled out, despite the Iranian authorities ' claims of non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring country. However, the specificity of relations in the Persian Gulf region lies in the fact that the general Islamic orientation of the states located there makes it possible to smooth out the contradictions that arise between them or to translate them into a political plane. From Iran's point of view, the contradictions between Sunnis and Shiites do not underlie the conflicts that arise in the region.

Saudi Arabia is also inclined to play down the significance of the existing contradictions between Sunnis and Shiites, taking care of the unity of the Muslim Ummah. The convergence of positions of Iran and Saudi Arabia on the need to smooth out confessional differences is probably due to their special position in the Muslim world. It is quite possible to assume that the idea of dividing Muslims into adherents of different trends in Islam is causing concern in Iran and Saudi Arabia. Both countries claim to be pan-Islamic leaders, so targeting the Sunni or Shiite part of Muslims is hardly acceptable for them. On a regional scale, although both countries informally use their positions in Shiite (for Iran) or Sunni (for Saudi Arabia) circles, they also prefer to speak on behalf of a single Muslim Ummah, which allows them to project their positions in the Muslim community at the regional level.

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The Islamic identity of all the Gulf States helps them to develop bilateral relations and overcome emerging problems and conflicts. According to E. S. Melkumyan, different interpretations of Islam enable Muslim states not only to fit into the modern system of international relations, but also to take a realistic approach to solving emerging regional problems. The Islamic principles on which interaction between the states of the Persian Gulf region is carried out, depending on the attitudes adopted by the political elite, can both limit the political maneuverability of the state and become a tool for better adaptation to the requirements of the time.

I. E. Fedorova (IB RAS) focused on the prospects of US policy towards Iran. She analyzed materials and information about a possible US military strike on Iran, and also considered the likely reaction of the Middle Eastern states to such actions and their impact on the situation in the region and throughout Asia. The report focuses on the unpredictability of George W. Bush's policy, whose personal will largely determines the development of events, and provides evidence of the interdependence of the long-term prospects of the US Chinese policy and its policy in the Middle East, primarily with regard to Iran. I. E. Fedorova concludes that the probability of a military conflict between the United States and Iran is low, but we should expect a further tightening of the US position, increased pressure on Iran from international organizations under US control, and an increase in the instability of the situation in the Middle East region.

G. P. Yezhov (ISAA at Moscow State University) considered an important and relevant problem for modern Iran, especially in the light of recent events related to the revival of the institute of temporary marriage - sige. In his opinion, marriage is welcome under Muslim law, but the attitude to divorce is more critical. It is allowed in cases where the husband and wife can no longer live together in order to avoid scandals, etc. And if the dissolution of marriage on the part of the husband is not associated with special difficulties, it is much more difficult for the wife to dissolve the marriage, and this requires a number of circumstances - a long absence of the husband, neglect of marital duties, wife, mental illness, and other equally compelling reasons. And all this can be fully attributed to the sphere of family and marriage relations in modern Iran. At the same time, the laws of different Muslim countries have different approaches to divorce on the initiative of the wife, and a comparison of these approaches allows us to better understand the essence of the problem.

I. V. Zaitsev's report (IB RAS) was devoted to the historical topic of the Persian colony in Astrakhan. According to the speaker, the Persians lived on the territory of Astrakhan even before the city was annexed to the Russian state (1556). By 1616, there is a mention of the construction of a mosque in the city for Safavid subjects. Its builder was a merchant of Shah Abbas named Khoja Murtaza. The second Persian mosque was built in 1860. The construction of the Persian Gostiny Dvor also dates back to the first half of the 17th century. According to I. V. Zaitsev, the main occupation of the Astrakhan Persians was transit trade. The Persian community was granted the right of self-government. Thus, according to V. N. Tatishchev, it had an elected foreman and a cadi (40s of the XVIII century). And in the XIX century, a permanent representative of the Persian government already lived in the city. A 1902 guide to Astrakhan noted that " at every turn there are Persians in their folk clothes, with beards painted a fiery purple color and red fingernails on their hands." Representatives of the community lived in the city until the 1930s.

Two reports on cultural issues were also heard. M. S. Kameneva (IB RAS) reviewed the goals and results of the cultural policy carried out by the leadership of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Muslim area. Currently, Iran's cultural policy is aimed at strengthening the penetration of Iranian culture in various regions of the world, among which Islamic countries occupy an important place. A single confessional field certainly contributes to the successful development of this process. At the same time, according to the speaker, great importance is attached to the Persian language, the second most important language of the Muslim world, as a powerful factor in the cultural integration of peoples. Yu. A. Rubinchik (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) noted that the influence of Muslim countries and Muslim culture on Iran as an Islamic country was carried out with the direct participation of Arabic, and Persian the first Iranian languages were influenced by him. Currently, Arabic words have adapted well to the Persian language. The presence of a huge number of words of Arabic origin in it makes

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It is necessary to conduct their structural and morphological analysis, taking into account the typological differences existing between the two languages. Among the Arabisms that function in the Persian language, an important place belongs to religious and religious-political terms, which are not only actively used, but also preserved by them for the Muslim culture.

As a result of the discussion held in the final part of the conference, most of its participants recognized the dynamism and consistency of Iran's foreign policy towards Islamic countries, the increased activity in the work of organizations that unite Islamic countries, as well as international and regional organizations. Of course, while supporting Shiite movements, Iran pays special attention to the problem of Islamic unity and the search for common ground with countries with different trends of Islam. Confrontation with the United States and mainly with Israel in implementing the idea of uniting Islamic countries has mixed consequences for Iran, since confrontation with the United States is currently less preferable for many of the Muslim countries than unconditional support for Iran. Nevertheless, in recent years, Iran has steadily demonstrated significant progress in building up its economic, military, scientific and cultural potential, which creates the basis for strengthening its influence in the Islamic world.

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