An outstanding English thinker and encyclopedist of the 13th century. Roger Bacon, in a geographical survey of the peoples of Europe, mentioned the country of "Great Bulgaria", which was inhabited by "the worst Saracens". He evidently used the archives of the Franciscan Order, whose members visited Eastern Europe several times in the thirteenth century, and noted with surprise: "... it is extremely strange that the teachings of Mahomet have reached them "(Matuzova, 1979, p. 215). This surprise is understandable. The spread of Islam so far north baffled not only foreign travelers from Christian but also from Muslim countries.

The problem of the origin and spread of Islam in the Middle Volga region has long attracted the attention of researchers. This is due both to the fact that Muslim Bulgaria was one of the earliest medieval states in Eastern Europe and actively interacted with Russia, and to the fact that Islam dramatically changed the ethno-confessional situation in the region, defining its originality for many centuries.

If for Tatar historians the question of the relation of Volga Bulgaria to the Islamic civilization was insignificant and was determined by the historical and cultural tradition, then European and Russian science solved it anew and independently. V. N. Tatishchev's remarks about the religion widespread among the Bulgars are very interesting. Recounting the Russian chronicle's account of Prince Vladimir's "trial of faiths", he believed that the early religion of the Bulgars was Brahmanism. Islam, in his opinion, was finally adopted in the Volga region quite late, in the XV century. [Tatishchev, 1995, p. 133, 411].

This opinion, based on his understanding of the Russian chronicles and their biased analysis, remained an exotic assumption in science, since other historians preferred to interpret the news of the chronicles as evidence of the spread of Islam in Bulgaria [Shcherbatov, 1901, p. 350, 376]. With the development of science and the discovery of new sources, the idea of the significant spread of Islam in the Volga region already in the pre-Mongol period began to be confirmed by new data. Illustrative, for example, is the research of the historian S. M. Shpilevsky, who, after studying the entire complex of written and archaeological materials of that time, concluded that the spread of Islam in connection with the settlement of the peoples of the region: "In the western part of the Kazan province, there are far fewer ancient monuments than in the eastern part. The reason for this is clear... In the east of the province, Islam and Muslim culture prevailed; in the west, shamanism prevailed and tribes lived that were significantly inferior in cultural development to Muslims " (Shpilevsky, 1877, p. 508).

Gradually, historiography developed two points of view on the nature of the spread of Islam among the population of Bulgaria. Some researchers, mainly Soviet historians (M. G. Khudyakov, N. N. Firsov, A. P. Smirnov, B. D. Grekov, and N. F. Kalinin), believed that Islam was embraced by the townspeople and the aristocracy, and that the majority of the population was Muslim.-

page 5
most of the population remained pagan. As academician B. D. Grekov wrote, "Islam remained here for a long time the religion of only the ruling classes, while the mass of the people continued to be pagan" [Grekov, 1945, p. 32]. Such ideas are becoming more or less a commonplace of Russian historiography.

The data obtained from a comprehensive analysis of archaeological materials and written sources paint a very different picture of the spread of Islam. This point of view was traditionally shared by Tatar historians (Sh. Marjani, R. Fakhrutdinov, X. Atlasi, etc.), and now it finds more and more supporters among archaeologists and historians. E. A. Khalikova's research should be recognized as a milestone in this regard. After analyzing the materials of more than 20 Bulgarian necropolises, she came to the conclusion that Islam is widespread in Bulgaria. According to its data, the spread of Islam in Bulgaria begins at the end of the IX-beginning of the X century, the complete and final victory of Muslim funeral rites among the townspeople occurs in the first half of the X century, and in some regions - in the second half of the X century. - early XI century. [Khalikova, 1986, pp. 137-152]. These conclusions have mostly stood the test of time.

The question of the nature of Islam in Volga Bulgaria remains largely unexplored. Apart from the postulate that the Bulgars professed Islam of the Sunni madhhab, which is considered proven since the works of H. D. Fren in the first third of the XIX century, in fact, practically no other judgments about Bulgarian Islam have been proposed. Some novelty is the hypothesis of dual religion, according to some historians and art historians (A. Kh. Khalikov, F. Kh. Valeev, D. K. Valeeva, G. M. Davletshin), which reflects the peculiarities of Islam in Bulgaria. Its essence is that the population of Bulgaria allegedly preserved pagan beliefs under the light veil of Islam. The argument in its favor is the indication of the form of some works of everyday culture (for example, jewelry) and ornamental motifs on dishes and various household items.

Researchers variously indicate the beginning of the spread of Islam in the Volga-Ural region, defining it within the VIII-X centuries. It seems that without new reliable sources to speak about the exact time of the emergence of Islam in Bulgaria can only be hypothetical. It is clear that with the beginning of regular trade and economic contacts with the countries of the East (since the end of the seventh century) and the emergence of the main Volga-Baltic Route with a special infrastructure and zone of its influence, ties with Muslims are also strengthened [Darkevich, 1976; Dubov, 1989; Melnikova, 1999, pp. 80-87].

Undoubtedly, the spread of Islam among the Bulgars is associated with the consolidation of various tribes led by Shilki and especially his son Almysh. The most important political motive for this was the desire to achieve independence from the Khazar Khaganate. Almysh and other leaders of the Turkic-Ugric tribes of the Volga-Ural region were vassalage to the Khazar khagan and paid him tribute in furs, and Almysh's son was a hostage in Atila. In general, the power of the Khazars was quite ruthless and humiliating: so, having learned about the beauty of the daughter of Almysh, the ruler of the Khazars wanted to take her into his harem and, when elypeber Bulgar refused, sent troops and took her by force. And after her death, he demanded to give him her sister [Ibn Fadlan's Journey, 1939, p. 78].

Creating the state, the ruling Bulgar clan faced the problem of ideological unification of various tribes and clans that had their own tribal cults and beliefs. The creation of a supra-tribal ethno-political association required the approval of a unified, universalist and integrating religious system that has no roots in the local environment. Only the world's religions could give such faith. The new faith strengthened the ruler's authority and gave him additional legitimacy. It not only placed his power above the tribal dynasties, but also to a certain extent rejected them, depriving them of the divine sanction for power.

page 6
The formation of the Bulgarian state falls on the end of the IX-beginning of the X century. The first archaeological traces of Islam can be traced back to pagan burials in the second half of the IX century. The Tankeevsky burial ground, where rings with Arabic inscriptions were found, apparently marking the initial stage of the penetration of Islam among the Bulgarian tribes [Kazakov, 1985, pp. 178-182; Kazakov, 1992]. Thus, the main reason for the spread of Islam among the Bulgars should be recognized as internal factors, the consolidation of various tribes under the rule of the Bulgars.

But why did Islam spread in the Volga region out of all the world's religions? The answer to this question can be explained by the interaction of various external and internal factors. On the one hand, neither Christianity nor Judaism could be attractive to the Bulgars, since the closest Christian power, Byzantium, was in alliance with the Khazars and did not exert any effective influence on the Volga region, and the Bulgars were hostile to the Jewish Khazars. Consequently, the choice of Islam was determined by the current political situation. A special role in this choice was played by active trade contacts of the Volga region with the countries of Central Asia-Khorezm and the Samanid empire. Thanks to the direct trade route to the Middle Volga region, Muslim merchants gained access to northern goods, bypassing Khazaria.

The development of Bulgarian society and the penetration of Islam in it in the IX - X centuries led to the emergence of statehood and the adoption of Islam by Almysh and part of the nobility. Brief and somewhat distorted evidence of this is provided by the information of an Arab merchant and diplomat from Andalusia, Abu Hamid al-Garnati. He gives a story about the beginning of the Bulgarian state and its first rulers. It should be emphasized that al-Garnati does not just convey the legend he heard, but retells quite close to the original text an excerpt from the book "History of Bulgaria" that he read, written by the Bulgarian metropolitan Qadi Yagkub ibn Nugman, i.e., a completely official historiographic tradition. "And the meaning of the word "Bulgar" is " a learned man." The fact is that one of the Muslim merchants came to us from Bukhara, and he was a faqih who knew medicine well." Next, he tells about the illness of the emir / king of the Bulgars and his wife, their cure by this Faqih and the adoption of Islam by the Bulgars. The adoption of Islam provoked the wrath of the Khazar king, who went to war against the Bulgars, but was defeated with the help of "great men on gray horses" ("the troops of Allah, the great and glorious "[The Journey of Abu Hamid al-Garnati, p. 31]". This is probably not the first version of this story, but it is the only one that has been preserved in written sources. The main outline of a kind of "introduction" to Bulgarian history is that the Bulgars converted to Islam during the Khazar Khaganate (before the early 980s) and preachers from the Samanid state played a significant role in this.

In another, later version, which has come down to us in the traditions recorded in the XVIII-XIX centuries, the given plot is described in more detail and attributes the spread of Islam in Bulgaria to three askhabs (companions) of the Prophet Muhammad. One of them cured the ruler's daughter of a fatal illness and, by marrying her, gave rise to a new Islamic dynasty [Galyautdinov, 1998, pp. 162-163]. This plot has a legendary character, which was already clear to such a realistic-minded educator as Sh. Marjani, who subjected this version to sharp criticism. However, there is still a grain of truth in the legend. In essence, this tradition can be regarded as an attempt by the Bulgarian medieval historians to make the roots of their orthodoxy more ancient and to establish among the population of Bulgaria a sense of superiority over their neighbors who are not able to claim kinship with the companions of the Prophet. Consequently, the historical and folklore versions are quite similar, which suggests that the latter preserved fragments of the Bulgar historical tradition, although in a revised form [Izmailov, 2000, pp. 99-105].

page 7
In the purely theological aspect, this circumstance plays a decisive role. The fact is that in the IX - X centuries in Central Asia, especially at the court of the Samanids, the Hanifite madhhab (tolk) of Islam was most widespread, while in Baghdad the madhhabs of al-Shafi'i and Hanbal were established. According to a number of remarks by Ibn Fadlan, who described the" mistakes " of the religious practice of the Bulgars (features of reading the khutbah, double ikamah, not mentioning the name of the Caliph, etc.), it can be concluded that they followed exactly the teachings of Abu Hanifa. All this clearly demonstrates the priority of the Central Asian center of Islam in choosing the faith of the Bulgars.

The exact date of Almysh's conversion to Islam is unknown, but it is fairly certain that this event can be attributed to the first decade of the tenth century. Thus, Ibn Ruste, who, according to most scholars, wrote between 903 and 913 [Krachkovsky, 1957, p. 159; Novoseltsev, 1990, p. 11-12], reports that "The king of the Bulgarians, Almush by name, professes Islam", and "most of them (i.e. Bulgars- I. I.) professes Islam and there are mosques and primary schools with muezzins and imams in their villages" [Khvolson, 1869, p. 22, 23]. Al-Masudi wrote about the fact that the Muslim Bulgars acted against the Rus, who made a raid on the Samanid Caspian provinces in 912/913 [Garkavi, 1870, p. 131-133; on the political circumstances and events of this campaign, see: Minorsky, 1963, p. 47-48; Novoseltsev, 1990, p. 215; Konovalova, 1999]. Information that the ruler of the Bulgars is a Muslim is also reported by Ibn Fadlan, although he tries to conceal this fact in an effort to highlight his role in the Islamization of the Bulgars and their "Malik". Nevertheless, this Arab author, who visited the Middle Volga, writes that in 921 an embassy to the Caliph arrived in Baghdad with a letter from " al-Hasan son of Baltavar, king of the Slavs (saka-liba. I.)" [Journey of Ibn Fadlan, 1939, p. 55], the latter means that the ruler of the Bulgars (Elteber and Elteber's son) Almysh signed the Muslim name "al-Hasan" and, obviously, was a Muslim, like his daughter [Journey of Ibn Fadlan, 1939, p.78]. The embassy included one of Almysh's close associates, also a Muslim - Abdallah Ibn Bashtu al-Hazari.

Muslim communities also existed in Bulgaria at that time. In addition to the Almysh headquarters, which had a special staff of clergy, including the muezzin [Journey of Ibn Fadlan, 1939, p. 69], and where, according to Ibn Fadlan, there were quite a lot of Muslims (he even describes their funeral rites) [Journey of Ibn Fadlan, 1939, p. 77-78], there were also other significant Muslim communities. Thus, Ibn Fadlan describes a community of " household members "(kinsmen?) under the name of al-Baranjar "in the number of five thousand souls of women and men who have already converted to Islam... A wooden mosque was built for them, in which they pray" [Ibid., p. 74]. Thus, it is safe to say that already in the 910s - 920s there were significant Muslim communities in Bulgaria, and the Bulgarian nobility, led by Almysh, adopted a new faith.

The most important event that marked the establishment of Islam in Bulgaria was the exchange of embassies between Almysh and the Baghdad Caliph al-Muqtadir. The political history of these contacts, as well as the vicissitudes of the embassy's journey from Baghdad to the banks of the Volga, are well studied [Kovalevsky, 1951, p.189-214; Kovalevsky, 1956; Novoseltsev, 1990, p. 197-199]. It is important to note that by this time Islam was quite widespread in the Volga region and in terms of spreading the faith, the embassy did little. But the achievement of this embassy was the "diplomatic recognition" of Bulgaria as an Islamic country. Since that time, no geographical work has been complete without mentioning the Bulgars.

At the end of the X-beginning of the XI century. Volga Bulgaria became a country of "classical Islam" (in the terminology of G. E. von Grunebaum). Since the beginning of the 10th century, the Arab-Persian historical and geographical tradition (Ibn Ruste, Istakhri, Marwazi, Gardizi, "Hudud al-Alam", etc.) testified that the Bulgars had two main cities: Bolgar and Suvar; in both cities - wooden buildings, cathedral mosques, Muslims live there for 10 thousand people. person-

page 8
a century in every city; they fight the infidels [Zahoder, 1967, p. 36; Barthold, 1973, p. 545]. All Russian and Arab-Persian sources indicate that by the end of the tenth century Bulgaria was already a Muslim country in the international arena, which was connected by many trade, cultural and political threads with the countries of Central Asia and the Middle East.

But how widespread was Islam among the general population of the country? Archaeological materials can help answer this question.

For example, for Bulgar archaeological sites of the X-XIII centuries. it is characterized by the almost complete absence of pig bones. So, among the osteological materials from the Bilyar settlement during excavations in 1967-1971. (a total of 9606 bones were found) they were not found at all, and there are no pig bones at other excavations [Petrenko, 1979, p. 124-138; Petrenko, 1984, p. 66-69]. Rare exceptions only confirm the general rule. Thus, during the excavations of the Bilyar settlement (1974-1977), individual pig bones were found, which are concentrated near the estate of a Russian craftsman [Petrenko, 1984, pp. 66-69]. The high statistically representative sample of materials and its striking sterility in relation to pig bones among materials from both urban and rural settlements, taking into account the fact that pig breeding was widespread in the earlier historical period and in the regions adjacent to Bulgaria, we can conclude that the Bulgars everywhere strictly followed the precepts and prohibitions of Islam.

The burial grounds of the Volga Bulgars, whose burials were performed according to the Muslim rite, are even more expressive of the spread and nature of Islam. Their analysis allows us to draw a conclusion about the beginning of the spread of Islam in Bulgaria at the end of the IX-beginning of the X century, about the complete and final victory of Muslim funeral rites among the townspeople in the first half of the X century. [Khalikova, 1986, pp. 137-152]. At present, approximately 59 burial grounds have been discovered throughout Bulgaria (the Pre-Volga region, the Pre-Kama region, the Western and Central Trans-Kama regions, and the Maly Cheremshan River basin), where more than 970 Muslim-rite burials have been uncovered, and not a single burial ground, not even a pagan burial, has been found. It is characteristic that some archaeologists tend to interpret rare "deviations" from the canonical rite as "pagan remnants" and evidence of the presence of a pagan population (for criticism of such views, see [Izmailov, 2002, pp. 60-69]).

All these facts are very clear and unambiguous evidence of the widespread spread of Islam and the depth of its penetration into popular culture. The dominance of Islam and the disappearance of various pagan cults common in the previous period, as well as strict adherence to Muslim prohibitions (the absence of pig bones, etc.), indicate the dissolution of tribal traditions in the general Muslim homogeneous ethnic environment [Izmailov, 2001, pp. 93-119].

The very organization of the Muslim community in Bulgaria is poorly known, but the very fact of its existence, according to Eastern sources, is not in doubt. As early as the beginning of the tenth century, the presence of muezzins and imams was recorded in Bulgarian cities and settlements [Khvolson, 1869, p. 23]. There is some information about the existence in the country of the Bulgars of the institute of judges-city cadis [The Journey of Abu Hamid al-Garnati, 1971, p. 31], who were among the highest elite of society and participated in diplomatic contacts. Indirect information about the structure of the Ulema stratum among the Bulgars can be found in al-Garnati, who, describing the population of Saksin, noted that the Bulgars and Suwars living there have their own emirs and cathedral mosques, where they perform Friday prayers. They also have " qadis, faqihs and khatibas: and all the ways of Abu Hanifa " [The Journey of Abu Hamid al-Garnati, 1971, p. 27]. This report also confirms the idea that, obviously, the Hanifite madhhab was traditional for the Bulgars not only at the beginning of the 10th century, as Ibn Fadlan wrote about it, but also later.

page 9
The Bulgars, having converted to Islam and being far enough away from Muslim countries, fell into some cultural isolation, but they were able to overcome it. The scholar-encyclopedist al-Biruni, noting that the Bulgars are separated "from the indigenous countries of Islam", reported that they nevertheless" do not lack information about the caliphate, caliphs, but on the contrary, read the khutbah with their names " (Biruni, 1957, p. 55). However, the very feeling of being" out of touch " and being in a foreign cultural environment could not but affect the public consciousness of the Bulgars. A fact has already been noted, repeated by a number of Arab-Persian authors, who described the Bulgar campaigns against their neighbors as jihad-a holy war: "with every infidel army; no matter how many of them there are, they fight and win" (Barthold, 1973, p. 545; Zahoder, 1967, p.31). Al-Garnati reports on the regular campaigns against the northern pagans of the king of the Bulgars and their imposition of tribute (kharaj) [Journey of Abu Hamidi al-Garnati, 1971, p. 30 - 31]. Western European sources (Julian, Plano Carpini, Rubruk, etc.) have not spared this topic. The most striking characteristic of the Bulgars is contained in the work of Guillaume de Rubruk: "These Bulgars are the most evil Saracens, who adhere more firmly to the law of Mahometov than anyone else" [Travel to Eastern countries..., 1957, p. 119].

The motive of the" holy war", which weighed heavily on the people, was not only an important part of the political doctrine of the Bulgarian ideology, but also significantly influenced the mass consciousness. He formed the opinion of the Bulgars about themselves as a community connected not only by fate, but also by the struggle of their ancestors for the ideals of Islam. The accentuated antagonism towards neighbors, noted by Eastern and Western European authors, was probably not so much a reality as a political ambition. In the popular consciousness, this was emphasized by the emphasized unity of Muslims in the face of the threat of the invasion of pagans, the reality of which was proved by historical tradition.

Unfortunately, we can only guess at the nature of the Bulgarian theological school, since we do not have sufficient sources at our disposal. However, there is no doubt that the entire territory of Bulgaria was dominated by a single madhhab (Hanifite in its basis) and there was a single community of ulema, which interpreted some issues of law and ritual practice in accordance with the developed traditions, undoubtedly relying on secular power. It was this tradition that was taught in madrasas and reproduced, preserving the continuity and stability of the norms of Muslim law for more than two centuries, as evidenced by the Bulgar funerary monuments of the X - first third of the XIII century. The orthodoxy of the burial rite of the Bulgars may be related to their ideas about their "chosen" due to being on the edge of the ecumene and on the northern border of the Islamic world. It is quite possible that this explained their irreconcilability with pagans and paganism. The canonicity and uniformity of the funeral rite throughout the territory of the state indicate the strength of religious norms that were undoubtedly imposed in society.

There was a certain inconsistency in Bulgarian Islam. On the one hand, a sense of their borderline position in the Muslim ecumenical community and strict adherence to certain rituals, on the other - some deviations from the canons due to living conditions and geographical location. For example, one of the major problems for the Bulgars was the harsh winter, which sometimes did not allow them to perform the burial ceremony on the day of death in accordance with the requirements of Sharia law. Here is what an Andalusian merchant and diplomat who lived in Saksin and Bulgar writes about this:: "The frost increases there to the point that when it dies... someone, then they can't bury him for six months, because the earth becomes like iron, and it is impossible to dig a grave in it. And my son died there, and it was at the end of winter, and I could not bury him, and he stayed in my house for three months until I could bury him, and the dead man remained like a stone, hardened by the force of the cold " [Travel of Abu Hamid al-Garnati, 1971, p. 58]. Even if

page 10
al-Garnati exaggerates somewhat, and even then the difficulties that the Bulgars face in performing Muslim rituals become clear.

An even more complex conflict was associated with the fact that on this parallel the nights are short in summer, and in winter - daylight. As a result, it was difficult to perform the five daily prayers prescribed by Sharia law. The problem was that it was impossible to read the fifth night prayer, which was performed after sunset, because in summer it essentially merged with the morning prayer. In the Muslim world, the sun was considered to have set when it became completely dark and it was impossible to distinguish a white thread from a black one. Due to the fact that in the summer in the Middle Volga region, the evening dawn does not disappear, therefore, the time of night prayer does not come. This fact was noted by almost all authors who wrote about the Bulgars. This information, which goes back to Ibn Fadlan to one degree or another, formed a special tradition: "Among the Bulgars, the night is so short in summer that the pot does not boil (or a person does not have time to go through more than one farsakh); in winter, the day becomes as short as the night in summer" (Zakhoder, 1967, p. 40]. A peculiar summary of such information is found in al-Idrisi (mid-12th century): "The day of the Russ and Bulgars is so short that it reaches only three hours and a half. Al-Khawqali said :" I witnessed it in their winter. The length of the day was such that it was sufficient only for four prayers, each of which followed one after another, with rik'ats, and there was no gap between the azans and ikama "[Konovalova, 2006, p. 120]. The theological literature and religious circles evidently had quite a heated debate about this. The trips of the Bulgars to Central Asia were largely aimed at resolving the issues of ritual practice, which gave rise to a whole galaxy of Bulgarian fakihs and theologians, widely known throughout the Muslim world. Over time, the Volga region developed its own peculiarities of ritual practice, taking into account local specifics, a canon that allowed during some months to read namaz only four times a day. Over time, it was precisely these features of Volga Islam that led Tatar theologians to the necessity of reforming the dogma of Islam and the emergence of a peculiar trend of such theological and social thought as Jadidism (a modern view of these problems [Mukhametshin, 2003, pp. 17-49]).

Thus, Bulgaria has been the northernmost country of the Islamic ecumene since the tenth century, and the "language" of the Bulgarian culture was Islam. There is information about the development of monumental architecture, decorative and applied arts, music and literature. In all large communities of the country there were schools and madrassas, the population was taught literacy and the basics of religion. Information about the development of sciences and knowledge has been preserved: astronomy and astrology, medicine and alchemy, theology and law, geography. There was its own historiographical tradition, many theologians, philosophers and poets lived and worked here. There are biographies of people from Bulgaria who became famous scientists in the East, such as the famous physician Tadjaddin al-Bulgari. All this indicates the inclusion of the Bulgars in the Islamic cultural world, shows that, despite the distance, there was a continuous exchange of information between the countries of the East and the Middle Volga region. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that the Bulgars, in order to participate in this exchange, required huge efforts, primarily for the creation and maintenance of the education system. Apparently, it is no coincidence that Eastern travelers were surprised to see mektebes and madrasas in Bulgar villages and cities. The exchange of ideas concerned the development of both theology and religious practice. A number of facts indicate a certain spread of such a trend of Islam as Sufism in Bulgaria.

Bulgaria was quite far from the main Islamic cultural centers. And this distance has become a byword in the East. So, the famous philosopher, preacher and traveler Nasir-i Khosrow, wanting to emphasize the power of

page 11
Allah, wrote: "It is difficult to reach your cry from the room to the hall, and his voice is easily heard from Balkh to Bulgar" [Semenov, 1953, p.17].

Thus, Islam has already penetrated the spiritual culture of society since the end of the 9th century, changing its Turkic traditions and pushing pagan cults into the realm of superstition. Islam has penetrated the broadest strata of Bulgarian society, and since the end of the tenth century, the Muslim funeral rite and other norms of Islam (the ban on eating pork, etc.) have dominated the popular environment. There is reason to believe that Islam in Bulgaria, given its border position on the edge of the Islamic ecumene, was more orthodox and strict than in a number of other Muslim countries. Against this background, the peculiar culture of the Bulgars developed as a combination of Turkic, Middle Eastern and Iranian traditions, and a single ethno-political community was formed.

list of literature

Bartold V. V. Vvedenie k izdaniyu "Hudud al-alam" [Introduction to the publication "Hudud al-alam"].

Biruni A. Pamyatniki pastshikh pokoleniy [Monuments of past generations]. Tashkent, 1957.

Galyautdinov I. G. "Tarikh nama-i Bulgar" by Tadjeshdin Yalsygulov. Ufa, 1998.

Garkavi A. Ya. Skazaniya moslemskikh pisateley o slavyanakh i russkikh [Tales of Muslim writers about Slavs and Russians]. SPb., 1870.

Grekov B. D. Volzhskie bolgary IX - X vekov [Volga Bulgarians of the IX-X centuries]. 1945. N 14.

Darkevich V. P. Khudozhestvenny metall Vostoka VIII - XIII vv. M., 1976.

Dubov I. V. Velikiy Volzhsky put ' [The Great Volga Way], Leningrad, 1989.

Zakhoder B. N. Kaspiyskiy svod informatsii o Vostochnoi Evropy [The Caspian Set of Data on Eastern Europe].
Izmailov I. L. "The beginning of history" of Volga Bulgaria in the legend and historical tradition// The oldest states of Eastern Europe. 1998. Moscow: Nauka Publ., 2000.

Izmailov I. L. Medieval Bulgars: ethnopolitical and ethno-confessional aspects of identification // Dialogue of Eurasian Cultures. Questions of medieval history and archeology. Issue 2 / Ed. by A. A. Burkhanov. Kazan, 2001.

Izmailov I. L. On the question of canonicity and pagan survivals in the Muslim funeral rite of the Volga Bulgars / / Voprosy drevnoi istorii Volgo-Kamya. Kazan, 2002.

Kazakov E. P. Signs and letters of early Volga Bulgaria based on archaeological data // Soviet archeology. 1985, N 4.

Kazakov E. P. Kul'tura rannoi Volzhskoy Bulgarii [Culture of Early Volga Bulgaria]. Moscow, 1992.

Kovalevsky A. P. Posolstvo khalifa k tsaryu volzhskikh bulgar [The Embassy of the Caliph to the tsar of the Volga Bulgars]. 1951, N 37.

Kovalevsky A. P. The book of Ahmed Ibn Fadlan on his journey to the Volga in 921-922. Kharkiv, 1956.

Konovalova I. G. Rus ' trips to the Caspian Sea and Russian-Khazar relations // Eastern Europe in Historical Retrospect: To the 80th anniversary of V. T. Pashuto, Moscow, 1999.
Konovalova I. G. Al-Idrisi o stranakh i narodakh Vostochnoy Evropy: text, translation, commentary. Moscow, 2006.

Krachkovsky I. Y. Izbrannye sochineniya [Selected Works], vol. 4, Moscow-L., 1957.

Matuzova V. I. English medieval sources of the IX-XIII centuries. Moscow, 1979.

Mezhdunarodnye svyazi, torgovye puti i gorody Srednego Povolzhya IX - XII vvakh [International relations, trade routes and cities of the Middle Volga region in the early History of Eastern Europe]. Kazan, 1999.

Minorsky V. F. Istoriya Shirvan i Derbent X - XI vekov [History of Shirvan and Derbent in the X-XI centuries]. Moscow, 1963.

Mukhametshin R. M. Tatars and Islam in the XX century. Kazan, 2003.

Novoseltsev A. P. Khazar state and its role in the history of Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Moscow, 1990.

Petrenko A. G. Bilyar osteological materials from excavations in 1974-1977. Novoe v arkheologii Povolzhya [New in the archeology of the Volga region]. Kazan, 1979.

Petrenko A. G. Drevneye i srednevekovoe zhivotovstvo Srednego Povolzhya i Predural'ya [Ancient and medieval animal husbandry of the Middle Volga region and the Urals].
The Journey of Abu Hamid al-Garnati to Eastern and Central Europe (1131-1153). Publ. and commentary by O. G. Bolshakov, A. L. Mongaita. Moscow, 1971.

Travel to the Eastern countries of Plano Carpini and Rubruka, Moscow, 1957.
Ibn Fadlan's Journey to the Volga, Moscow-L., 1939.
Semenov A. A. Tajik scientists of the XI century I. E. on the Bulgars, Khazars, Russ, Slavs and Varangians//Reports of the Academy of Sciences of the Tajik SSR, 1953, vol. VII.
Tatishchev V. N. Istoriya Rossiiskaya Ch. 2 [Russian History, Part 2] / / Tatishchev V. N. Collected Works Vol. IV. Moscow, 1995.

Khalikova E. A. Muslim necropolises of Volga Bulgaria of the X-beginning of the XIII century. Kazan, 1986.

Khvolson D. A. Izvestiya o khazarov, Burtas, Magyars, Slavs i russkikh Abu Ali Ahmed Ben-Omar Ibn-Dast [News about the Khazars, Burtas, Magyars, Slavs and Russians of Abu Ali Ahmed Ben-Omar Ibn-Dast]. St. Petersburg, 1869.

Shpilevsky S. M. Ancient cities and other Bulgarian-Tatar monuments in the Kazan province. Kazan, 1877.

Shcherbatov M. M. Istoriya Rossiiskaya [Russian History], St. Petersburg, 1901.

Permanent link to this publication: