Family relations have always been the basis for the perception of the structure of society and the connections between its members, and kinship terms serve as one of the tools for encoding relations within a cultural and linguistic collective, which is necessary for correctly building relationships with others in everyday life. The Turkish terminology of kinship, due to repeated radical changes in the cultural background, includes lexemes that go back to different stages of the development of the institution of the Turkic, and then the Turkish family, as a result of which, together with cultural and historical facts, a kind of retrospective of cultural and marital relations is formed.

Keywords: terminology of family and kinship, structure of the Turkish family, marriage in Turkey.

CURRENT TURKISH TERMINOLOGY OF FAMILY AND KINSHIP

Elena M. NAPOLNOVA

Family relations were indigenously the basis of understanding the structure of society and connections between its members. Kinship terms serve as an instrument for coding relationships within cultural-linguistic group necessary to build up correct relations with others in everyday life. Turkish kinship terms are interesting in that, due to several radical shifts in cultural environment, lexemes ascending to different stages in the development of Turkic and later Turkish institution of the family were included. As a result, accompanied by some cultural-historic facts, Turkish kinship terms give us a unique retrospective review of cultural-marital relationships.

Keywords: family and kinship terms, structure of Turkish family, marriage in Turkey.

Any language, as the main means of communication, encodes the structure of a cultural and linguistic collective using means that are understandable to its native speakers - forms of addresses, pronouns, social terms, names of age groups, verbs, and some other forms used both in relation to the interlocutor and in relation to third parties, and necessary in order to correctly use them in everyday life. build relationships with others depending on the degree of mutual closeness, age, and social hierarchy. The perception of the whole society and the connections between its members are based on family relations. Degree of identification of the social structure

Elena Markovna NAPOLNOVA, PhD in Philology, Associate Professor, Lecturer at Ozyegin University (Istanbul, Turkey), elenapolnova@yahoo.com.

Elena M. NAPOLNOVA - PhD (in Philology), Assistant Professor, Özyeğin Üniversitesi, Nişantepe Mah. Orman Sok. 34794 Çekmeköy - İstanbul, Turkey; elena.napolnova@ozyegin.edu.tr.

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In general, the structure of the family is determined by the cultural and historical situation and modern needs, which also affects changes in the lexical group "kinship terms".

Before proceeding to the actual Turkish terms of kinship, it is necessary to point out the specifics of the perception of the marriage act, reflected in the language. Unlike the Russian get married and get married, the Turkish language interprets this act of changing the civil status as the acquisition of various attributes that together make up the concept of "house": evlen- (from ev 'house') letters. 'get a home' → 'get married, get married'. Accordingly, a married man and a married woman are referred to as ev-li letters. 'house-with', i.e. 'having a house' → 'married, married', but the "morphological" antonym of this word ev-siz 'home-without', i.e. 'without a home', means 'homeless', not 'single, unmarried'. Similarly, a different understanding from the Russian one is also embedded in the lexeme denoting the dissolution of marriage. Historically, it was enough to say the expression Boş ol!three times in front of witnesses. letters'. 'empty'!', from which is formed boşan - - 'to divorce'.

Although relations between boys and girls in Turkey, especially in secular circles, have been significantly modernized due to globalization in recent decades, the language retains a traditional view of them. In accordance with traditional Turkish moral and ethical standards, which usually involved choosing a candidate for marriage directly by the parents or through a matchmaker (görücü usul-ü ile). 'matchmaker custom-posess. 3 l. with → through a matchmaker') and not lost relevance in conservative circles, girls could not appear in public with a young man alone - they had to be accompanied by one of their relatives. Permission for a girl to leave the house together with a young man was perceived as a serious stage in the relationship, recorded in the language in the phraseological unit birlikte çık-letters. 'go out together', relevant in modern language: Çık-tığ-m bir-i var mı? letters'. 'Exit (sub-adject form) - posess. 2 l. unit h. one-posess. 3 l. unit h. is there? → Do you have someone you go out with?' → 'Do you have a boyfriend/girlfriend?Changes in the social situation were reflected in the appearance of the expression translated from English: Kız / erkek arkadaş-ın var mı? letters'. 'Girl / man friend (posess. 2 l. units) is there a' → 'Do you have a girlfriend/boyfriend?'.

In Turkey, the traditions of sözlerime, or söz kesme, i.e. engagements (from söz 'word'; söz kes - lit. 'word cut' → 'become engaged'), and nishanlanma, i.e. betrothal (from nishan' sign', 'wedding ring', nishan tak-letters. 'put on a sign' → 'get engaged'), and the vocabulary associated with these traditions. At each stage of marriage registration, the bride and groom are referred to differently: after the engagement-söz-lü letters. 'slovo-s' → 'giver of the word'(cf. Russian 'betrothed'), after the betrothal - nisan-lı letters. 'sign-c' → 'engaged'. During the marriage, the young are called gelin ' bride '(or gel- 'to come') and damat 'bridegroom '(from the Persian dāmād). After marriage, the same terms acquire the meaning of 'daughter-in-law 'and'son-in-law'.

For a Turk, family is a much broader concept than for a Russian, which is rooted in the history of the Turkic family, which initially represented the most ancient model, in which relatives and relatives did not differ [Kryukov, 1972, p.281]. In the modern language, the lexeme aile has two equal meanings: 1)" the minimum unit of society consisting of a husband, wife, children, brothers and sisters connected by marriage or blood relationship", the so-called çekirdek aile letters. 'grain family'; 2) "a chain of representatives of the same genus", the so-called geniş aile letters. 'broad family' [Türk Dil Kurumu], i.e. 'clan'.

Kinship terms serve as a convenient material for research, as they represent a limited lexical group and relate to a group of people connected by certain relationships. "Kinship terms represent an integral part of the

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a terminological system, and each of its elements is correlated with other terms of the system, opposed to them, and motivated within the system. A common semantic feature for kinship terms is that they all express a relationship" [Kara-ool, 2003, p. 24]. To describe this, a number of features are used, including gender, generation, the presence of a blood connection or kinship through marriage (properties), the ratio of ages, etc. Due to changes in the social structure of society, this system is not constant and strictly defined [Krongauz, 2001, p. 163]. Depending on the research objectives, kinship terms may include only terms that make up the semantic field, or a broader set of them. I consider both elementary and composite terms used to refer to relatives/relatives in the context of actual marriage, dividing them into groups according to the degree of kinship/property, since I am interested in the linguistic reflection of changes in the social structure.

Group I

karı koca - wife and husband, spouses

e ş - spouse, spouse

anne, ana, valide - mother, mother

baba, peder - father, dad

ebeveyn - any of the parents, parents

veli - any of the parents, veliler-parents

kız-daughter

oğul-son

abla-big sister

ağabey-big brother

kardeş - (younger) brother, (younger) sister

(erkek kardeş - (younger) brother, kız kardeş - (younger) sister)

çocuk, evlât - ребенок

kız (çocuk) - девочка

(erkek) çocuk, oğlan - мальчик

Group II

dayı-uncle (mother's brother)

teyze - aunt (mother's sister)

dayıoğlu - cousin (mother's brother's son)

dayının kızı - cousin (mother's brother's daughter)

teyzeoglu - cousin (son of mother's sister)

teyzenin kızı - cousin (mother's sister's daughter)

amca-uncle (father's brother)

hala-aunt (father's sister)

amcaoğlu - cousin (son of father's brother)

amcanın kızı - cousin (daughter of father's brother)

halaoglu, halanın oğlu - cousin (son of father's sister)

halanın kızı - cousin (daughter of father's sister)

kuzen - first cousin, first cousin

yeğen - nephew/niece (erkek yeğen 'nephew', kız yeğen 'niece')

Group III

gelin - daughter-in-law (son's wife)

damat - son-in-law

kaymana, kayınvalide - mother-in-law, mother-in-law

kayınbaba, kayınpeder - свекр, тесть

kayınbirader - brother-in-law (husband's brother), brother-in-law (wife's brother)

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enişte - husband of a sister, aunt or other relative

yenge - wife of a brother, uncle, or other relative

baldız - sister-in-law (wife's sister)

görümce-sister-in-law (husband's sister)

elti-sister-in-law (wives of brothers in relation to each other)

bacanak-brother-in-law (husbands of sisters in relation to each other)

kuma - the younger wife in relation to the older one

Group IV

anneanne - maternal grandmother (lit. 'mother mother')

babaanne - paternal grandmother (lit. 'father mother')

büyükanne - paternal grandmother (lit. 'big mama'), great-grandmother

büyükbaba - paternal grandfather (lit. 'big father')

nine - maternal grandmother, great-grandmother

dede - maternal grandfather, great-grandfather

ata-ancestor

torun-grandson, granddaughter

(erkek torun 'внук', kız torun 'внучка')

Group I (small family-generations "0" and "+1"). The presence of synonyms in many of the main terms of kinship from this and other groups is a consequence of a change in cultural background.

The phrase karı koca letters. 'wife husband' is stylistically neutral and corresponds to the Russian word husband and wife: Siz-i karı koca ilan ed-iyor-um ' You-akk. wife husband ad to do (present bp. 1 l. unit)'→ 'I now pronounce you husband and wife.' Special literature notes (Malishevskaya, 1999; Bobrova, 2002) that the order of words in the combinations man - woman, grandfather and baba, groom and bride indicates a certain inequality of the sexes, i.e., the primary importance of men. In Turkish karı koca, i.e. wife husband, one should not see a hint of the superiority of the female sex: the lexeme koca 'husband' in modern Turkish has a homonym meaning 'big, wide, huge; elderly, old; great'. Due to the fact that the syntactic type of connection between an adjective and a noun is an adjunction, when using the word koca in the preposition, the phrase koca karı no longer means 'husband (and) wife', but 'old woman, old woman'.

When using the components of the phrase karı koca separately and without affixes of belonging, they have a connotation associated with the historical meanings of these lexemes - in the modern language karı (Old Turkish. qarї 'old, old man' [Old Turkic Dictionary, 1969]) literally means rude. 'baba', and koca (Persian :ooǯa 'old, old man' [ibid.]) is close to the Russian muzhik, which allows them to be used only in everyday language in combination with affixes of belonging: koca-t ' husband (posess. 1 l. unit)' → 'my husband'; karısı 'wife (posess. 3 l. units)' → 'wife-his', etc.). This situation caused the replacement of this paired term in the modern official literary language with the term esh letters. 'couple', 'each member of the couple' → 'spouse, spouses', applied to each of the spouses, and in the marriage certificate the parties are referred to as kadın 'woman' and erkek 'male'.

The lexeme erkek implies that the denotation belongs to the gender category " men " and is used as an indicator of gender (erkek öğretmen 'male teacher'), including in terms of kinship. The kadın lexeme assumes that the denotation belongs to the gender-age category "adult women". It is used as an indicator of gender (kadın doktor 'female doctor'), but not in terms of kinship . In this function, it is replaced by the lexeme kız 'daughter, girl, girl' (other-T. qiz 'girl, girl, unmarried woman' [Old Turkic Dictionary, 1969]). Kız for self-driving

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When used, it refers to female persons of the age category "children and adolescents", which also includes the lexeme oğlan 'boy' (other-T. oılan 'child, boy; son'). However, even in this case, there is an asymmetry in the distribution of meanings: kız remains highly active as an independent term of kinship, an indicator of gender in terms of gender. aoglan is devoid of these functions and gradually passes into the category of archaisms. A number of complex terms are used to refer to different age groups in the category "children and adolescents": erkek çocuk letters/ 'boy child' → 'child, boy', kız çocuk letters. 'girl child' → 'child, girl', küçük kız letters. 'little girl/girl' → 'girl', genç kız letters. 'young girl/girl' → 'girl', deli-kan-lı letters. 'mad-blood-c' → 'young man'.

When looking at the general use of individual lexemes to indicate gender, it may seem that there is an asymmetry in the Turkish language in favor of the erkek lexeme, and for all persons (as well as for animals) of the male sex, the emphasis is placed on belonging to the gender group, and for women - on belonging to the age group.:

However, taking into account the ancient Turkic meanings of the lexemes kadın ("status") and kız ("gender") it becomes obvious that the distribution of functions between them in a modern language is determined by the "memory of tokens":

Token type

Using as

independent kinship term

index of gender in terms of kinship

index of gender in other lexical groups

name of the age group

appeal

animal gender indicator

erkek

X

X

X

X

kadın

X

X

kız

X

X

X

X

X (more often with a posess. affinity of 1 l. unit hour)

oğlan

X (limited)

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The presence of synonymous lexemes for each parent reflects a significant Arab-Persian cultural and linguistic influence over a long period - from about the tenth to the twentieth century. For this reason, in the modern language, along with the Turkic ana (al. - t.. ana 'mother' [Old Turkic dictionary, 1969]) and baba (al. - t. baba 'father' The borrowed lexemes valide (from Ar. vālide 'mother') and peder (from Persian, peder 'father') are preserved. The last two are out of active use and are not used in the official language. The peder token has acquired an exaggerated and respectful connotation. The lexeme ana has also practically disappeared from free use in the direct meaning of the term kinship, but it has been preserved in various phraseological units: Fatma Ana-miz letters. 'Fatma the mother (posess. 1 l. pl. ch.)' → 'Our mother Fatma' (about the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad); Ana gibi yar ol-maz Bagdat gibi diyar ol-maz ' Mother as a favorite to be (otric. aorist) Baghdad as a country to be (ref. aorist)' → 'There is no such favorite as a mother, there is no such country as Baghdad' → "There can be no person closer to the mother"; ana avrat küfür et, lit. 'mother woman swear words to do' → ' swear rudely (use swear words)'; ana-okul-u letters. 'mama-school (posess. 3 l. units)' → 'kindergarten'; ana kraliçe lit. 'mother queen' → 'queen mother'; in dialects - in the function of addressing elderly women, as well as in the function of the interjection apa-t! letters'. 'mother (posess. 1 l. unit)' → ' my mother!'with the meaning of surprise, regret, admiration, etc. This process should be attributed to the low status of the Turkish language in the Ottoman period and the redistribution of denotations between individual lexemes observed in the entire lexical group "kinship terms". Perhaps this process represents the beginning of connotation formation. At the same time, the lexeme ana was fixed in the meaning of the adjective 'main, main': ana cadde 'main avenue', ana yemek 'main dish'. In the direct sense, its place was taken by the lexeme anne 'mother', which is associated with the children's softened pronunciation of the lexeme ana - pa-pa [Nishanyan]. Judging by the fact that this lexeme is not recorded in the Ottoman-Turkish dictionary [Develioğlu, 1984], its origin should be attributed to the beginning of the XX century at the earliest.

The token ebeveyn (from ar. ābveyn ' parents') according to various sources, can denote either of the parents or both together. In the materials of the Turkish Linguistic Society [Türk Dil Kurumu], it is noted as an archaism, but due to the lack of its Turkish synonym, it is irreplaceable in certain situations in the modern Turkish language. For example: ebeveyn banyosu 'parents bathroom (posess. 3 l. unit)' → 'parent bathroom' (separate bathroom with entrance from the parents 'bedroom); ebeveyn denetim-i' parents control (posess. 3 l. unit) ' → ' parental control (internet access)'. Its incomplete synonym is the more frequent lexeme veli (from Ar. velī), which is also not differentiated by gender and is used as a legal term in the sense of "a person responsible for the child and all his actions".

In relation to the husband in patriarchal strata of society, the word bey 'lord' can be used, as in other languages: Bey-in ne iş yap-iyor? letters'. 'Mister (posess. 2 l. unit hours) what should I do (present time)?'→'Who does your husband work for?'.

In generation "0" (ego), along with the gender attribute, the determining feature is the ratio of siblings ' ages. The existence of separate lexemes for older and younger siblings (abla, ağabey, kardeş) is associated with "intra-family subordination" (the order of marriage, the distribution of intra-family responsibilities between children) and historically goes back to the institution of a blood-related family, where inheritance rights passed from the father not to the son, but to the next eldest brother of the father. Gender differentiation for younger siblings can be done using the words erkek if necessary 'man' - kız 'girl': erkek kardeş 'younger brother', kız kardeş 'younger sister'.

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The Turkish word çocuk, like the Russian word child, is associated with children of both sexes, since this attribute is not crucial until the child reaches a certain age. Along with the Turkic lexeme, the borrowed evlat (from the Ar. āvlād 'child, son') continues to exist, which in modern Turkish is also not differentiated by gender and gradually passes into the category of archaic ones, including as an address in combination with the affix of belonging to 1 l. unit - evlad-im 'child (posess. 1 l. unit) ' → 'my child'. If necessary, the child's gender can be specified using the words kız 'girl' and erkek 'man': kız çocuk 'дочь', erkek çocuk 'son', and also the names of age groups can be used: kız 'girl', oğlan 'boy'.

The main feature of Group II (cousins from generations "0" and "+1") is the presence in the generation "+1" (parents of the ego) of separate terms for referring to brothers/sisters on the father's and mother's sides. This juxtaposition, which historically goes back to the Turan-Ganovan kinship system, in which male and female lines are separated [Kara-ool, 2003, p.20], was of practical significance: inter-family marriages were widespread in Turkish society and continue to be concluded today, especially in patriarchal strata of society. At the same time, there is a relative ban on marriage with the son/daughter of a paternal aunt/uncle, and marriage is possible only with maternal cousins. It is believed that in the latter case, marriage does not adversely affect the physical and mental abilities of children. This approach to marriage also determined that in the Turkish language there are no separate words for kinship and property, because in kinship marriages in conditions of compact residence of several families connected by marriage and blood ties, these two groups cannot be separated. In this case, the expressions evlilik yol-u-yla letters are used as sociological terms. 'marriage path (posess. 3 l. units) - with' → 'through marriage' and kan bağ - ─ letters. - 'blood connection (posess. 3 hp)' → 'blood connection'.

The ban on inter-family marriage up to the seventh generation, which exists in Orthodox culture, is linguistically expressed in equating children of aunts/uncles with their own brothers and sisters (cousin, cousin). In contrast, the permissibility (and in the past, the prevalence) of marriage between relatives of the same generation in traditional Turkish culture has led to the fact that representatives of this group do not have their own terms in the language and pass into the category of persons "suitable" for marriage.

The Turkish language inherited from the Ottoman lexemes teyzezade 'first cousin/mother's sister', halazade 'first cousin/father's sister', amcazade 'first cousin/father's sister' and dayızade 'first cousin/mother's sister', the common element of which is zade 'son, child' is a Persian borrowing, apparently due to the general linguistic tendency to abandon borrowing and lack of specific meaning, they have now completely disappeared into the category of archaisms, and the lack of a group term for cousins in Turkish against the background of the progressive Europeanization of a significant part of society has led to the borrowing of the kuzen lexeme 'cousin' from European languages./ kuzina', which, unlike in Russian, is not marked stylistically 1.

One of the kinship terms of this group has the connotation: the lexeme dayı 'maternal uncle' is also used in the meanings of 'brave, bold' and 'authoritative patron of someone': Bu-nlar-in çok bariz ol-an bir taraf-i da: siyasî dayı-lar-i sık sık değiştir-me-ler-i-dir (P. Safa) ' It is (pl.-genit.) very clear to be (prich.) one side (posess. 3 l. u. h.)

1 It is possible that the existence, in contrast to the Russian brother and sister, of a separate term for cousins in European languages-cousin, cousin-is associated with a less strict ban on marriage with relatives in Catholicism than in Orthodoxy.

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also: political uncle (mn. ch. posess. 3 l.) often-often change (masdar 2-mn. posess. 3 l.)- there is' → 'Their characteristic feature is that they very often change their political patrons." Connotation, as is often the case, arises in connection with the presence of the corresponding phraseological unit. In this case, the phraseological unit kaba dayı letters. 'rude uncle' → 'a brave man who knows how to fight well, who does not violate his own ideas about the rules of honor' [Türk Dil Kurumu].

Group III (relatives from generations "0" and "+1") contains only elementary terms - standard terms of properties that currently retain relative activity outside of cities, i.e. in places of compact residence of sufficiently large groups connected by kinship or property ties. As a result of the decline in the number of children in a family and the disintegration of a large family in the context of progressive urbanization, modern urban youth, as a rule, only know the meaning of the first seven terms well.

Three kinship terms from this group contain the old Turkic lexeme qajin'father-in-law' [Old Turkic Dictionary, 1969]: kayın-ana/kayın-valide, kayın-baba/kayın-peder, kayın-birader (Persian: birader 'brother'). The archaic nature of this lexeme determines its compatibility only with lexemes inherited by the modern Turkish language from Old Turkic or Arabic with Persian, but it is impossible to combine it with the" New Azovian " anne: *kayın-anne.

The last of the terms listed in the group - kuma-can be attributed to the category of "kinship through marriage", as it is the result of the historical tradition of polygamy.

The obsolete Turkic lexeme güveyi (Common Turkic. 'non-native, half-brother') → 'primak, son-in-law', not used in the modern language as a term of kinship and preserved thanks to the proverb: Nasılsın? - İç güveyi-nden hal-i-ce. 'How-is (2 l. unit hours)? - Internal son-in-law 3 (ablat.) position (posess. 3 l. unit hours-compare.)' → 'How are you? - As primak (i.e. "so-so")'4.

A special feature of Group IV (relatives from generations "+2/-2" and above) is the observed restructuring of the nomination system. The emergence of the new terms anneanne and baba-anne should probably be associated with an increase in life expectancy and the external "rejuvenation" of grandmothers: the lexemes nine and buyükanne, which imply advanced age, were no longer used in relation to them, as a result of which the latter two moved one generation, becoming fixed in the meaning of 'great-grandmother'. Similarly, the dede token, while still being assigned to the maternal grandfather, simultaneously has the general meaning of 'very elderly man', i.e. it passes into the status of 'great-grandfather'. Due to changes in the semantics of these lexemes, the "niche" of the generation "+3 and higher" (i.e., great -) is filled, the absence of special terms in which is often filled by descriptive ones - "grandfather's mother", "grandmother's grandfather", etc.

However, this process has also developed in a different direction: the ata lexeme, historically associated with the patriarchal order: the eldest in the family or family, i.e. father ~ grandfather [Sevortyan, 1974, p. 201], as a common name is used mainly in the plural form in the collective meaning of "ancestors". The reason for this is to assign the singular form to the founder.

Masdar 2 is a verb name that is formed from the verb base with the help of certain affixes (in this case - -te).

3 A dash between two words under a line means that they are not two separate words in the original language, but one token, the meaning of which in Russian can only be expressed by a phrase.

4 The Dictionary of the Turkish Linguistic Society [Türk Dil Kurumu] gives this lexeme in the form güveyi, although, judging by the example given, auslaut - i is a possessive affix of 3 l. units. In another example from the same dictionary, the form güveyi-si is used, where -si is also a variant of the possessive affix of 3 l. units.

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Of the Republic by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (ata + türk). The process of personification of the singular form of this token has gone so far that the personal name Ata is now widely used among followers of the ideas of this political figure.

For generations -3 and above ("descendants"), the modern Turkish language has not developed special lexical tools, and torun is used for all of them.

Any affixation of a name in Turkish serves as one of the means of expressing the semantic category of definiteness, which is manifested in the impossibility of using kinship terms in relation to specific persons without affixes of belonging. At the same time, unlike, for example, in Russian, a certain individualism is observed: the use of the form with the possessive affix 1 l. singular ("my") noticeably prevails over the form with the possessive affix 1 l. pl. ch ("our"), i.e. a person who has brothers / sisters usually names a common father "mine", not "ours".

Requests. Within the family, it is customary to refer exclusively to younger relatives by name (Napolnova, 2015). When addressing your elders by name, you can hear the phrase: "Did you see me being born?". To the daughter and son, as well as to all younger relatives, you can apply in the form of "kinship term + possessive affix 1 l. unit ("my")", regardless of the degree of actual kinship: oğl-um 'son (posess. 1 l. unit)', kız-im 'daughter (posess. 1 l. unit)', evlad-im 'child (posess. 1 l. unit)'. The older ones are addressed either using only the word indicating the degree of kinship (abla, abi, teyze, amca), or using the person's proper name plus a word indicating the degree of kinship (Aynur teyze 'Aynur aunt', Mehmet amca 'Mehmet uncle'). Addressing older relatives is possible according to the scheme "base+diminutive affix+affix of belonging 1 l. unit part": abla-cığ -ım '(older sister) - will reduce. posess. 1 l. u. ch.', Ayşe teyze-ciğ-im ' Ayşe teyze-min. posess. 1 l. unit part', i.e. "verbal assignment" due to the use of the affix of belonging can concern either really younger relatives, or formally "reduced" by using the diminutive affix of older relatives.

When referring to all relatives and relatives, the use of the pronoun You and the corresponding verb forms is practically excluded.

Thus, changes in the lexical group "kinship terms and properties" allow us to trace the process of development of the Turkish family and formulate the main directions of development of the lexical group "kinship terms and properties":

1. Due to the progressive social changes in the modern Turkish family terminology, there is a rethinking of the old Turkic lexemes-ana, ata, nine, karı, which is expressed in a partial shift in their meanings or acquisition of connotations.

2. The absence of kinship terms with lexemes with meanings necessary for expressing modern intra-family, social and legal relations leads to the consolidation of new ones in the language (esh, kuzen) or prevents the archaization of Arabic-Persian loanwords (ebeveyn, veli).

3. Borrowed Arabic-Persian terms of kinship, which have Turkic synonyms, gradually pass into the category of archaisms.

4. The gradual archaization of kinship terms that refer to relatives is associated with a decrease in the number of children in the family and the weakening of ties within a large family in the context of progressive urbanization.

5. The system of kinship terms is being reoriented: language tools are being formed that allow describing the family not "in breadth" ("big family"), but "in depth "( generation of great-grandparents).

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6. The subordination of generations inherent in the ancient Turkic culture is preserved to this day and is expressed in standard forms of addressing relatives.

list of literature

Bobrova G. A. Fragments of the Udmurt language picture of the world in comparison with Russian // Language. Time. Personality. Proceedings of the International Conference / Ed. by L. O. Butakova. Omsk, 2002.

Drevnetyurkskiy slovar', L., 1969.

Kara-ool L. S. Kinship terms and properties in the Tuvan language. Diss.... Candidate of Philological Sciences. Kyzyl: Tyva State University, 2003.

Krongauz M. A. Semantika [Semantics], Moscow, 2001.

Kryukov M. V. Sistema rodstva kitaytsev (evolyutsiya i zakonomernosti) [Kinship system of Chinese (evolution and laws)].

Basic concepts of culture in the light of the gender approach (on the example of the opposition "Man / Woman") / / Phraseology in the context of culture, Moscow, 1999.

Napolnova E. M. Sistema obrazheniy v sovremennom turetskom yazyke [The system of appeals in the modern Turkish language]. Episode 13. Oriental studies. African studies. 2015. Issue 4.

Sevortyan E. V. Etymological dictionary of the Turkic languages: common Turkic and inter-Turkic bases on vowels. Institute of Linguistics, 1974.

Develioğlu F. Osmanlıca-Türkçe ansiklopedik lügat. Ankara, 1984.

Nişanyan S. Szlerin Soyağacı - Çağdaş Türkçenin Etimolojik Sözlüğü (www.nisanyansozluk.com.).

Türk Dil Kurumu (TDK) - Materials from the official website of the Turkish Linguistic Society (www.tdk.gov.tr).

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