Of considerable interest to researchers is the study of the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and Central Asian rulers in the second half of the XIX century. The leaders of the Central Asian khanates during the expansion of European powers saw the Ottoman Empire as the most powerful and independent Muslim state from Europeans, capable of providing them with military and diplomatic assistance. Despite the fact that circumstances did not always allow the leadership of the Ottoman state to conduct an active policy in the Central Asian region, it was ready to provide all possible assistance to local leaders at the opportunity. 1 One of the most notable examples of this position was the support of the Ottoman Empire for the state Yakub Bek, established in East Turkestan. In general, the history of relations between the state formations of Central Asia and the Ottoman Empire remains largely poorly understood. However, we were able to find in Turkey in the Ottoman Archive of the Prime Minister's cabinet 2 several new little-known documents that can shed light on the history of these relations, in particular on the history of relations between the Ottoman Empire and the state of Yaqub beg in Kashgar in the 70s of the XIX century.

In 1864, a Muslim uprising broke out in East Turkestan, which was under Chinese rule. The reason was the arbitrariness of the Chinese administration and the repression of Donggang. There was no unified leadership of the uprising, so each city, after expelling the Chinese and Manchus, declared its independence. In August 1864, Toraigyr Sadyk-bek, the leader of the Kipchak family, captured Kashgar. However, the local Uyghur and Dungan populations did not recognize Sadik Beg's authority. Then Sadik-bek expelled Dungan from the city and attracted to his side the son of the leader of the anti - Chinese Uyghur uprising Jahangir-Buzurg Khan, who at that time lived in Kokand. After the expulsion of the Chinese, a struggle for control of the province unfolded among the rebels. The most powerful opponents were the lords of the cities of Kuchar, Khotan and Kashgar. Sadik-bek's ambassadors arrived in Tashkent at the end of 1864, where they were received by Alimkul, who was regent under the Kokand Khan Sultan Said. Alimkul was presented with gifts and Chinese prisoners. The envoys requested that Alimkul give them one of the members of the khodey dynasty as.3 Alimkul sent Buzurg Khan to Kashgar, and Batyr basy4 Yakub bey was appointed to him [Kenesarin, 1992, p. 99].

1 For various reasons, such as long distances, lack of information about the internal political situation in Central Asia, the unfavorable international situation, economic weakness, and internal contradictions, the Ottoman State was often forced to reject requests for assistance.

2 BOA - Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsivi. Translations of Ottoman documents were made by the author of the article.

3 The Khojas are the viceroys of the Chagataids in East Turkestan [see: Schwarz, 1976, pp. 266-296].

4 Batyr-basy - head of security.

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Buzurg Khan arrived in Kashgar in early 1865 with a guard from Andijan and was declared ruler of the Kashgar Khanate, and Sadik Bey - commander-in-chief of the troops. Buzurg Khan and Sadik Bey organized a campaign to Yarkand, which ended in failure. In the Kashgar leadership, Sadik-bek was found guilty for that defeat. Relying on the Andijan people, Yakub Bek began to pursue the Kyrgyz, and Sadyk Bek was forced to flee to the mountain nomads. At this time, Yakub bek took power in Kashgar into his own hands and began to rule on behalf of Buzurg Khan (Petrov, 2003: 169-170).

Yakub Bek showed his talent as a military leader and within five years, from 1865 to 1870, managed to unite almost the entire territory of East Turkestan under his rule. But Buzurg Khan was dissatisfied with the rise of Yakub Beg and plotted against him. Yakub beg removed Buzurg Khan from power, seized him, and then sent him on a pilgrimage to Mecca (Saray, 1994, p. 105). He declared himself ruler and assumed the title of Badaulet and Atalyk-gazi.5 His state was named Yettyshaar (Semigradye).

Neither the Chinese nor the Russian government could immediately determine their attitude to the newly formed state. The Chinese authorities have long discussed how to build relations with Yakub Bek. There were two main parties: the supporters of the former believed that it was necessary to come to terms with the existing situation, and the entire attention of the government should be focused on internal transformations. The opinion of the second group was expressed by General Zuo Zongtang, who believed that the flames of the uprising from Xinjiang could spread to neighboring Chinese districts, so his loss should not be tolerated. Subsequently, the Chinese government agreed with the opinion of Zuo Zongtang, who in 1876 was instructed to return Xinjiang to China.

The Russian administration also failed to immediately develop a position on the state of Yakub Bek. The political position of Russia was developed by the Turkestan Governor-General K. P. von Kaufmann. At first, Kaufman offered to help the Chinese. This was facilitated by the aggravation of relations between Russia and Yakub-bek. In 1868, both sides were ready for military action, and Russian merchants in Kashgar were detained [Aristov, 2003, p. 287]. The policy of the tsarist government towards the state of Yakub Bek was determined, firstly, by the fear that the existence of a neighboring, independent and strong Muslim state could threaten the dominance of tsarist Russia in Central Asia and the security of its newly annexed possessions. Secondly, the Anglo-Turkish orientation of Yakub Bek's foreign policy. Third, the desire of the tsarist government to control the markets of East Turkestan, for which England also began to fight at that moment. The tsarist administration was of the opinion that these markets could be anchored in Russia's sphere of influence and under Chinese rule in East Turkestan. The existence of a number of profitable trade agreements with China, as well as the similarity of foreign policy goals, forced the Russian authorities to adhere to the terms of those agreements that were concluded with the Chinese [Aristov, 2003, p.288; Bunakov, 1945, p. 23]. Therefore, the Russian side refused to recognize the state of Yakub Bek for several years. His efforts to strengthen his own power only contributed to the fact that in Russia he was perceived as a strong opponent [Boulger, 1878, p. 175-176].

At the same time, the emergence of a strong power in Kashgar, which could significantly influence the mood of the nomads of Semirechye and the population of Kokand, as well as the analytical reports of Russian officers who personally got acquainted with the state of affairs on the border, contributed to the fact that the tsarist authorities also considered the possibility of an independent state in East Turkestan. This decision was influenced by the report on the 1867 expedition to Zanarynsky

Badaulet -the happiest; atalyk - the highest official rank in the Emirate of Bukhara, which usually belonged to the emir; gazi - a fighter for the faith.

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land of Colonel V. A. Poltoratsky. The report suggested that Kashgar is lost to China. Therefore, it would be in the interests of Russia to conclude peace agreements with its rulers, both for trade purposes and to counteract England [Note..., l.289 - 304]. Because Yakub Bek feared the Russians, the first attempts to reach an agreement with his envoy were unsuccessful. The Russian authorities, in turn, feared the growing influence of Yakub Bek on the mood of the nomadic population of Semirechye, as well as the fact that he could become an English vassal.

In 1870-1871, unrest began among the nomadic population of Semirechye, provoked by rumors about the success of Yakub Bek, and several families of Kirghiz people migrated to the Ili Region (Petrov, 2003: 183-184). Therefore, in the summer of 1871, Russian troops pre-empted Yakub Bek and occupied the Ili Valley and the city of Kuldzha, which were under Chinese rule until the uprising of 1865.6 It was also a show of force that influenced the conclusion of a trade agreement with Yakub Bek. In 1871, the Russian authorities tried to use the Kokand Khan Khudoyar in order to put an end to Yakub Bek by military means and annex Kashgar to the Kokand Khanate. Khudoyar realized that he did not have enough forces, and he sent an envoy to Yakub Bek, whom he tried to convince of the need to improve relations with Russia. Yakub Beg replied that the Russians were coming to Kashgar in order to better investigate the situation in his state, so they should be denied access. Soon a second letter arrived from Kaufman himself, in which the Governor-General warned Yakub Bek against hostile steps towards Russia. In response, Yakub beg asked not to communicate with him through Khudoyar, but to send his own ambassador. In 1872, Lieutenant Colonel A. V. Kaulbars was sent to Yakub Bek, who on June 22 of the same year managed to conclude a trade agreement with him 7. In 1875, Lieutenant Colonel P. J. Reintal was sent to Yakub Bek 8, and in 1876, Lieutenant Colonel P. J. Reintal was sent to Yakub Bek. - Staff Captain A. N. Kuropatkin, who was assigned to conduct negotiations on the delimitation of the border and the installation of boundary markers between the Russian possessions and the state of Yakub Bek. Kuropatkin's report on the trip became a scientific work about Kashgaria.

The tsarist authorities recognized Yakub Bek as an independent ruler, which later, during negotiations with China on the return of Kulji, led to diplomatic complications that almost led to a military conflict [Terentyev, 1906, vol. III, p. 255]. After the restoration of Chinese rule in East Turkestan, the Governor-General of the Turkestan Region, K. P. von Kaufmann, insisted that the border with China should have been approved in accordance with the treaty that was concluded with Yakub bek [Terentyev, 1906, vol. II, p. 424]. Trade interests played a significant role, and the largest volume of trade operations of Kashgar merchants fell to the share of Russia and its protectorates (Boulger, 1878, p. 153). At the same time, Russia also did not interfere with the supply of food to the Chinese army of General Zuo Zongtang and even provided merchant caravans with a convoy of Cossacks.

At the same time, the British also established contact with Yakub Bek. In 1870 and 1873, Thomas D. Forsyth, a prominent figure of the British administration in India, visited Kashgar, through whom Yakub Beg received help, re-equipped the army with the latest small arms and artillery weapons, and on February 2, 1874, concluded a trade agreement-

6 The uprising was followed by a bloody feud among the leaders of the rebels, and in 1867 the Sultanate of Taranchino was formed in this territory. In 1870. Yakub Bek began to prepare a campaign against the Sultanate of Taranchi, but did not have time.

7 The contract itself, however, is dated June 2 - St. Constantine's Day, Kaufmann's patron saint.

8 P. J. Reintal also made a trip to Kashgar on a diplomatic mission in 1868, and subsequently was supposed to be appointed to the post of Russian Consul in Kashgar [Baskhanov, 2005, p. 202].

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A thief with England [Henze, 1989, p. 75; Kuropatkin, 1879, p. 157-160] 9. In accordance with one of the provisions of this agreement, the parties exchanged sales representatives. From the British administration, Robert Shaw was appointed to this post, who had already visited Kashgar as a merchant in 1868-1869. The Viceroy of India, Lord Northbrook, quickly ratified the treaty and approved Shaw's candidacy. Northbrook ordered him not only to protect British trade interests, but also to give advice or help to Yakub Beg if he asked for it (Henze, 1989, p. 76).

But Yakub Bek played his own game. At the end of 1874, he informed the British representative that without the Sultan's permission, he could not allow him to stay in Kashgar. Therefore, Shaw was forced to return immediately after Yakub Bek ratified the treaty. However, when the seals were opened in Calcutta on the letter from Yakub Beg, it turned out that instead of the ratified treaty, it was only congratulations to the Viceroy. The hopes of the British for expanding trade with the state of Yakub Bek also did not materialize. At the same time, Britain began to capture the southern regions of Xinjiang. The British protégé, the Sikh Raja Gulab Singh, invaded Xinjiang, crossed the Kun Lun, descended into the Tarim Valley, captured the mountainous valleys of Karashar and Raskem Darya, and then the southern part of East Turkestan with the fortress of Shahidullah, which dominated the entrance to the gorge leading to the city of Khotan. Here he was detained by the troops of Yakub Bek, who then drove out the uninvited guests [Petrov, 2003, p. 188].

Yakub Beg also tried to enlist the help of the Ottoman state. The first news about Yakub Bek came to Istanbul in 1865, when the Kokand envoy in Istanbul, Seyid Yakub Khan Toreh, told about Yakub Bek's activities and asked him and the Kokand Khan to give him the Khudoyar of the Osmaniye Order. However, this was denied to him. The reason for the refusal was cited as the instability of the situation in Kokand and the tense international situation [SAI, Irade Hariciye, 13785].

It was Seyid Yaqub Khan Tora who played a crucial role in establishing diplomatic ties between the Ottoman Empire and the state of Yaqub Beg. Seyid Yakub Khan Toreh was born in Tashkent around 1823. The son of the governor of Tashkent Nur Mahomet Khan and his second wife, who was the sister of Yakub Beg, he held high positions in Kokand; first he was a mentor of the Tashkent madrasah, then kaziy. In 1858, he visited Istanbul as a secretary in the Embassy of Mirza Can Efendi10. In 1865, he returned to Istanbul, where he first asked for help in the fight against Russia [Saray, 1994, p. 72], and then became a resident and representative of the Khudoyar Khan of Kokand. Thanks to his piety and charm, he managed to win the friendly favor of Sultan Abdul Aziz, who gave him a warm welcome. In addition, in Kashgar, he had a great influence on the local population, who revered him for piety and justice [Boulger, 1878, p. 169].

Seyid Yaqub Khan Toreh received an audience with the Grand Vizier and told him about the events in East Turkestan and that Yaqub Bey had founded an independent state.-

9 According to A. N. Kuropatkin, Forsyth suggested that Yakub Bek enter into contact with Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire. It was through India that the "active supply of weapons" from Istanbul went. According to M. A. Terentyev, in 1873 Foresight gave Yakub-bek 10 thousand new rifles and a battery of rapid-firing guns [Terentyev, 1906, vol. II, pp. 330-332].

10 At the beginning of Malla Khan's reign in Kokand, an embassy was sent to Istanbul to announce his accession to the throne. At the head of this embassy was Mirza Jan, who in Turkish sources is known as Haji Mirza Jan. In late 1859 and early 1860, he brought gifts and a message to the Sultan from Malla Khan. Mirza Jan was in Istanbul from the end of 1859 to 1862. In time, his stay almost completely coincided with the reign of Malla Khan (late 1858-early 1862). It is known that Khudoyar Khan, in his struggle with Malla Khan for Kokand, used congratulatory letters from the Sultan of Istanbul to put moral pressure on the enemy. However, Malla Khan refused to recognize the religious supremacy of the sultan (Nabiev, 1973, p. 56, 288; Vamberi, 2003, p. 299-300).

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the Russian state. Grand Vizier Mehmed Ryushdu Pasha, who was interested in the genealogies of famous Muslim families, was very pleased with this and asked him to provide him with more detailed information in addition to political information [Saray, 2003, p. 230]. In 1869, the former ambassador of Kokand in Istanbul, Mirza Yakubov, having received 60 thousand piastres for the road, secretly left for Kokand and Kashgar through Egypt and India. He was entrusted with the mission of establishing links between the Ottoman state and Kashgar and the Kokand Khanate [RGVIA, d. 1327, l. 12]. The Russian ambassador in Istanbul, N. P. Ignatiev, in his report to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, described him as a man of "devout and literarily educated" [RGVIA, d.6810, l. 61].

Mirza Yaqub, on his return to Kashgar, informed Yaqub Beg of the interest shown by the Ottoman authorities. In 1871. Seyid Yakub Khan Toreh, who had accumulated considerable diplomatic experience during his stay in Istanbul, convinced Yakub Beg that it was necessary to accept the suzerainty of the House of Ottomans. But it was from this very moment that tensions between Yakub Bek and the Russian administration began to grow again, as the Russian authorities were afraid of his interference in the affairs of the Kokand Khanate. In 1873, the Kashgar envoy Seyid Yakub Khan Tore arrived in St. Petersburg, where he tried to establish friendly relations with Russia and convince representatives of the tsarist administration that the state of Yakub Bek does not pose a threat to the Central Asian possessions of the empire. His mission was completed successfully. The fact that Yaqub beg did not support the uprising against the Russian vassal, Khudoyar Khan of Kokand in 1875-1876, indicated his unwillingness to enter into a confrontation with Russia, and also that he listened to the advice of Sultan Abdul Aziz, who recommended him to establish friendly relations with his neighbors.

In 1872, Yaqub bey, who planned to gain Ottoman support, again sent Seyid Yaqub Khan Toreh (who was his nephew) to Istanbul. The purpose of the mission, according to the reports of the Russian ambassador in Istanbul N. P. Ignatiev, was to explain to the Sultan "about the creation of a powerful Muslim state in Central Asia, which wants to maintain friendly relations with it" [AVPR, 1873, d. 25, l. 239 vol.]. He brought a letter in which it was said about the recognition of the suzerainty of Sultan Abdul Aziza. In addition, he requested military assistance and the dispatch of instructors to train and strengthen his army. After lengthy negotiations, the Ottoman government decided to partially grant Yakub Beg's requests and provide serious military assistance to Kashgar. This was due, in our opinion, firstly, to the uncertain position of Russia on the issue of the new state of Yettyshaar created by Yakub Bek, and secondly, to the fact that in this situation there was a possibility of capturing the Kokand Khanate or part of it by Yakub Bek, who would formally be a vassal of the Ottoman Empire [Nalivkin, 2003, pp. 450-451] 12.

The Kashgar ruler of Istanbul was granted 500 copies of the Koran, and military and civil officials and gunsmiths were sent to East Turkestan together with the ambassador Seyid Yakub Khan Tora. Weapons were also sent, and the Governor of Egypt was assigned to control the loading and delivery of which to their destination in Bombay [BOA, A. MKT. CMM, 463/67, 463/96]. The Sultan also sent to Yakub Beg an ambassador with special powers, Murat Efendi, with a special firman confirming the status of the Turkestan ruler as an independent sovereign under the protection of the Ottoman court. The same firman Yacoub-bek was assigned to-

11 An interesting fact is that this envoy is known in Russian reports as both Mirza Yaqub and Seyid Yaqub. In English reports, he is known as Said Yaqub Khan Torah. However, comparing this data with information from Turkish archives, we came to the conclusion that this is the same person. According to the materials of the Turkish archives, this is the former envoy of the Kokand Khan in Istanbul, Seyid Yakub Khan Toreh.

12 According to the well-known Russian orientalist and expert on Central Asia V. P. Nalivkin, Yakub-bek enjoyed great influence in Kokand among the "sepoys" and among the common people.

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the honorary title of Amir-ul-Muminin ("Commander of the faithful") was given and the right to mint coins with the name of the Caliph was given [ZVORAO, vol. 11, 1899, p. 100]13. But the Sultan did not provide any financial assistance [AVPR, 1873, d. 26, l. 353-355 vol.].

The Ottoman embassy was received with great honors in Kashgar in 1873. A hundred-gun salute was fired in honor of the embassy's arrival. Together with the embassy, Yakub Bek was given six Krupp cannons, 1,000 old-style rifles, 200 new-style rifles, as well as the necessary equipment, ammunition and means for the production of gunpowder. Gunsmiths also arrived [BOA, Y. EE, 91/28; Irade Dahiliye, 49054]. In addition, four military instructors were sent: the head of the mission, Captain Ali Kazim Bey, infantry officer Mehmed Yusuf Bey, cavalry officer Circassian Yusuf Bey and artillery officer Ismail Hakki Bey. The mission included four retired officers [BOA, Irade Dahiliye, 49426]. A civilian official, Zaman Bey, was also dispatched.14 According to T. D. Forsyth, who visited Kashgar in 1873 together with the Turkish embassy, Yakub beg was pleased with the way events were developing [Forsyth, 1875, p.20]. From that day on, he began calling himself Yakub Khan, minting his own coin (see the appendix at the end of the article), introducing a khutbah in the name of Sultan Abdul Aziz in the territories under his control, and flying the Ottoman flag in front of his own. Ottoman officers started training Kashgar troops 15.

In 1875, a representative of Yakub Bek of Kashgar once again arrived in Istanbul. As a gift from the Sultan, he received a banner and a cloak embroidered with gold, 2000 guns, the Order of the Medjidie of the 2nd degree for the eldest son of the ruler of Kashgar and the Medjidie of the 3rd degree for the youngest son. According to N. P. Ignatiev, the farewell audience with the Sultan was brief. After some formal compliments, Abdul Aziz advised the Envoy to live in good harmony with all his neighbors. The messenger of Kashgar, Seyid Yaqub Khan Toreh, was disappointed, saw in this reception a proof of indifference to his co-religionists and regretted that he had traveled so far for this. In addition, he was annoyed by the arrogance of the Grand Vizier Ahmet Esat Pasha, as well as the slowness of the Porte, which kept him in Istanbul for five months "on a purely courtly mission" [AVPR, 1875, d. 26, l. 353-355 vol.]. Together with the ambassador, Abdul Aziz sent the following message to Yaqub beg:

"We were pleased to hear about your friendly service that you have shown since your Government was established in Kashgar. I have heard that since you took over the country, you have been minting my name on coins and reciting khutbahs in my name. That is why I am proud of you and express my great respect to you. I heard all this from the lips of Seyid Yaqub Khan, your kinsman and a good messenger at court.

I know that you are asking my permission for your eldest son to succeed you. Your attitude and friendship have doubled the good feelings and our friendship with you, and we are proud to celebrate your services in subjugating the Muslims of Central Asia to Your authority. As an example of my disposition, I am sending you the Sanjak-i Sherif ("sacred flag of the Sultan"), the shape and color of which you must not change, and while covered by this flag, you can mint my name on coins and recite the khutbah with my name on it. I am sending you a letter and a flag as a token of respect to honor you and the Muslims of Central Asia.

The Government and rulers, as protectors of the people, must ensure the safety of their people's lives through justice and good administration. To fulfill this condition is a sacred duty that is given to the rulers. When times change, we must

13 N. I. Veselovsky in the Notes of the Eastern Branch of the Russian Archaeological Society (ZVORAO) published the work "Badaulet Yakub-bek, Atalyk of Kashgar", which also tells about Yakub-bek's relations with the Sultan.

14 Zaman Bey met Kuropatkin during his trip to Kashgar in 1876. According to Kuropatkin, he was originally "from the Caucasian Tatars" (Kuropatkin, 1879, p. 210).

15 Ali Kazim Bey, who headed the Turkish military mission, left a report detailing these events [BOA, Y. EE, 91/28].

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carry out reforms in our lives and think about securing the future of our people. Since you wish to manage your people in this way, I give you my permission and also approve the appointment of your eldest son as your successor.

The abilities and good will that you are born with make me happy to bless you and your people. You must continue to rule fairly and make the lives of your subjects rich and secure. You should also improve science, education, industry and agriculture in your country. You must build bridges and roads in order to develop communication routes in the country. These things can be done in turn, according to the abilities and needs of your people and country.

As long as you bring your subjects the light of civilization and the benefits of life, you should be wary and avoid endless conflicts with the surrounding countries. In such conflicts, you can lose your people and your property. Instead, you should establish friendly relations with neighboring countries through peace agreements. This way, you can improve your trade relations with other countries. This is the best and most acceptable life for today and the future. This is my firman to you and your subjects, which you must follow" [BOA, Irade Dahiliye, 49343].

The Russian administration in Turkestan was seriously concerned about what was happening. According to a Turkestan official, in the summer of 1875, " two hundred people came to Kashgar from Constantinople and India. Some of them were messengers, some were merchants, craftsmen and soldiers who trained horse and foot troops. The envoys brought 2,000 rifles and 10 cannons, and Yakub Beg himself received a royal crown and a suit embroidered with pearls. The craftsmen broke down the old tools for rework. Soldiers have recruited people from villages and are training them for front-line service" [Khalfin, 1957, p. 37; Kuropatkin, 1879, p. 170-171] 16.

Russian travelers-officers who visited Kashgar at various times left their assessments of the activities of Turkish military instructors and the results of training local troops. A. N. Kuropatkin says that compared to the Bukhara army, the Kashgar army is better trained and prepared. At the same time, he notes that in terms of training, it is inferior to European troops. He wrote that the Turks changed the structure of the Kashgar troops, and also brought a new Turkish charter for local troops.17 Attempts by Turkish craftsmen to create a factory for the production of tools ended in failure. One of the Turkish instructors, Mamad Effendi, was assigned to cast rifled guns, but the first two cast guns were torn apart at the first shot.18 However, Turkish craftsmen built a factory for the production of caps for trigger guns. A small part of the Kashgar soldiers were dressed in Turkish-style uniforms. Russian travelers noted the presence of the guard - "red sarbazs", who were trained according to the English regulations by the Afghans and did not obey the Turkish instructors. Kuropatkin gave this description of the quality of training of Kashgar troops under the guidance of Turkish instructors:

"In recent years (1872-1877 - A.V.) there were Turkish instructors who took the training into their own hands... The new instructors brought with them new uniforms, which they saw as the essence of the matter. The essence of the new training was rifle techniques in the infantry, perhaps a cunning breaking of the front, marching, in the cavalry - building the front, racing, moving at a walk, trot, columns of three, six and dismounting. Loose formation in the infantry, attacks and outpost service in the cavalry were not part of the training course. There was no mention of terrain-based exercises or cumulative evolutions. For them, it would be necessary to wait for other instructors, more knowledgeable and developed than the Turks sent" [Kuropatkin, 1879, p. 180].

16 A. N. Kuropatkin also notes that these weapons were handed over by Sultan Abdul Aziz to Yakub Beg for recognition of the Ottoman protectorate.

17 Previously, the troops were trained according to English, Afghan and Russian regulations. "Subsequently, the guns were cast by Abdrashid, a native of Kokand.

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At the same time, Kuropatkin and other Russian officers who visited East Turkestan at that time note that a large number of modern weapons - rifles, cannons and ammunition for them-were sent from Turkey through the territory of India to Kashgar. But most of the weapons and gun mechanisms were kept "malfunctioning" and quickly fell into disrepair [Kuropatkin, 1879, pp. 161-173].

Sultan Abdul Aziz was assassinated on June 4, 1876. After his death, Sultan Abdul Hamid (1876-1909)ascended to the throne. 19 Yaqub Beg again sent a special envoy to Istanbul, Seyid Yaqub Khan Toreh, with a letter thanking the sultan for the gifts and recognizing the supremacy of the new sultan as the spiritual head of all Muslims. In this letter, Yaqub beg said that, "as a dutiful follower and humble servant of the Caliph, I am happy to hear the good news of Your Majesty's accession to the throne." He pointed out that Kashgar Muslims also celebrate this joyous event [BOA, Y. M., 42/79].

The Ottoman government, due to its economic and military-political weakness, was unable at that time to exert any serious influence on the situation in the state formations of Central Asia. In the Ottoman Empire, there was a power struggle between supporters of the "old Turks"and" Young Turks". Representatives of the "old Turks" were not enthusiastic about the idea of pan-Islamism, since it was in a certain contradiction with the ideology of Ottomanism - the unification on a single basis of all Ottoman subjects, both Muslims and non - Muslims [Fadeeva, 1985, pp. 105-110]. In addition, the attention of the Port was absorbed by the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878.

After the sudden death of Yakub Khan, civil strife broke out in East Turkestan. Using this circumstance, the Chinese army defeated its opponents singly and captured East Turkestan.

In 1879, Seyid Yakub Khan Toreh again arrived in Istanbul. He managed to get an audience with the Sultan and gave him a report on the events in Kashgar: "I don't want to upset Your Majesty by telling a sad story about the tragic end of Kashgaria, especially in light of the recent difficulties that the Ottoman State has faced. Nevertheless, I felt it necessary to present this information to Your Majesty. Muhammad Khan, a former infantry commander in the Kashgar army who came here via Bukhara, also brought previously unknown details of the Chinese invasion of Kashgar."

Seyid Yaqub Khan Torah reported that after the death of Yaqub Khan, his eldest son, Beg Kulu, was to succeed him. But the governor of Khotan, Niyaz Hakim, rebelled, seeing in the current situation a chance to become an independent ruler. This was followed by the revolt of Hakim Khan Toreh, the governor of Turfan. While Beg Kulu was trying to suppress these protests, the Chinese army of 80 thousand people suddenly attacked Urumqi. After Beg Kulu dealt with the rebellious Beks, he marched out of Khotan to meet the Chinese army. But the advanced detachments of the Chinese army captured Kashgar without resistance, which was left unprotected. Later, the Chinese hanged Niyaz Hakim, who had fled to them after losing the battle to Beg Kul Khan. Beg Kulu, unable to defeat the Chinese, retreated to the border with Kokand, and from there fled to Tashkent, thus leaving all of Kashgaria to the Chinese. Further, Seyid Yakub Khan Toreh reports: from Chinese sources, he learned that the Chinese army was pursuing criminals who stole the remains of the Chinese emperor from the burial and burned them. The Chinese believe that these people are in Kashgar. Syed Yaqub Khan, however, believes that this was just a pretext for invading Kashgar territory. According to the envoy, the adoption of Ottoman suzerainty would have-

19 Abdul Majid's son Murat V ascended the throne after Abdul Aziz was deposed, reigned only three months and did not have time to do anything.

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This was a significant event in the life of the people of Kashgar. After the Chinese reoccupied Kashgar, they showed brutality towards the population of Kashgar. Although they allow Muslims to lead a normal lifestyle, they often create obstacles for them. The Messenger stated that the Muslims of Kashgar are appealing to the Sultan for salvation, as he is their only hope.

Seyid Yaqub Khan goes on to describe the administrative division of Kashgaria and the natural resources that, in his opinion, should have interested the Ottoman government and prompted it to take more active actions. Kashgar had 24 provinces and more than five million Muslims. Each province had to take care of its own defense on its own. The population of the capital, Kashgar, is approximately 80 thousand families. Deposits of gold, silver and other valuable minerals were discovered in the vicinity of Kashgar many years ago. The envoy claimed that Kashgar's natural resources make it self-sufficient. Khotan has a surplus of agricultural products, and 33 different minerals are extracted and shipped to various countries. There are many different minerals in the vicinity of the big city of Yarkand, including rich gold mines. Other provinces of the country are also rich in various minerals.

The envoy said it was difficult for the Chinese to control five million people with an 80,000-strong army. If Kashgar's Muslims continue to fight as bravely against the Chinese as they have in the past, sooner or later the Chinese will have to leave the country. The emirs of Kashgaria, "he wrote," recognized the supreme sovereignty of the Sultan as their supreme ruler. They recite the khutbah with the Sultan's name and mint his name on their coins. Syed Yaqub Khan believes that since Kashgaria recognized the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, it is part of the Ottoman State. Therefore, the envoy asked the Sultan to persuade the Chinese emperor to withdraw his troops from Kashgar, saying that a second invasion of the Chinese was unacceptable. The envoy concludes his report with these words:" Since the Ottoman Empire has sovereignty over Kashgar, it would be a disgrace to allow the Chinese to take control of such a rich country without resistance, especially if the Ottoman Empire needs financial resources in the situation in which it now finds itself " [BOA, Y. EE, 91/41].

Seyid Yaqub Khan hoped that the Ottoman authorities would be interested in acquiring and retaining such strategically important territories as Kashgar. But the support of the Ottoman Empire could not stop the Chinese. In addition, Yakub Bek's domestic policy (conscription, numerous executions, the appointment of newcomers from Andijan, Tashkent, and Afghanistan to all the highest state positions, and the heavy tax burden) did not contribute to his popularity among the local population [Kuropatkin, 1879, pp. 41-47].20

The protectorate of the Ottoman state turned out to be purely nominal. Istanbul was unable to control and patronize its vassal. The Ottoman Empire was also unable to make a significant impact on the situation in East Turkestan, as its attention during this period was focused on the war with Russia and the negotiations at the Berlin Peace Congress of 1878. Later, until the eve of the First World War, contacts between the Port and Turkestan were practically interrupted, although they were maintained at the level of private individuals through irregular correspondence. The official version was banned by the Russian state Administration-

20 A. N. Kuropatkin, who visited Kashgar in 1876, reported that Yakub Bek's proxies were appointed to all the highest state civil and military posts-natives of Kokand( whom the local population called "Andijan"), Tashkent, as well as Afghans. This fact, as well as recruitment and tax oppression, made Yakub bek unpopular in the eyes of the local population.

page 21

I have written about the inadmissibility of independent relations between local rulers and representatives of great powers [Zhukovsky, 1915, pp. 175-183].

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS:

AVPR-Archive of Russian Foreign Policy;

VUA-Military Academic Archive;

ZVORAO - Notes of the Eastern Branch of the Russian Archaeological Society;

RGVIA - Russian State Military Historical Archive;

Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan;

A. MKT. MNM-Sadaret Mektubi Kalemi Miihimme Evraki (records management materials of the head of the Grand Vizier's Office)

BOA-Basbakanli Osmanli Arsivi (Ottoman Archive of the Prime Minister's Cabinet)

Y. EE - Yildiz Esas Evraki (Main Office management of the Yildiz Palace)

Irade Dahiliye-documents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs

Irade Hariciye-documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs

list of literature

AVPR. F. Chancellery, Constantinople. 1873.

Aristov N. A. Trudy po istorii i etnicheskomu sostavu tyurkskikh plemen [Works on the history and ethnic composition of the Turkic tribes]. Academician V. M. Ploskikh. Bishkek: Ilim Publ., 2003.

Baskhanov M. K. Russian military Orientalists (before 1917). Biobibliographical Dictionary, Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura Publ., 2005.

Bunakov E. V. K voprosu o politicheskikh i ekonomicheskikh svyazyakh sredneaziatskikh vladeniy tsarist Rossii s Vostochnom Turkestan v pravlenie Yakub-bek (1865-1877) [On the issue of political and economic relations between the Central Asian possessions of Tsarist Russia and East Turkestan during the reign of Yakub bek (1865-1877)]. Tashkent, 1945, N 5.

Vamberi A. Travel through Central Asia, Moscow: Vostochnaya literatura, 2003.

Veselovsky N. I. Badaulet Yakub-bek, atalyk Kashgarsky / / Zapiski Vostochnogo otdeliya Russkogo arkheologicheskogo obshchestv [Notes of the Eastern Branch of the Russian Archaeological Society]. Vol. XI. 1897-1898. SPb., 1899.

Zhukovsky S. V. Russia's relations with Bukhara and Khiva over the last three-hundredth anniversary. Pg., 1915.

A note on the Muslim uprising in Mongolia and Western China / / TsGA RUz. F. 715. Op. 1. D. 48.

Kenesarin Ahmet. Sultans of Kenesary and Syzdyk. Алма-Ата: Жалын, 1992.

Kuropatkin A. N. Kashgaria. Historical and geographical sketch of the country, its military forces; industry and trade, St. Petersburg, 1879.

Nabiev R. N. From the history of the Kokand Khanate (feudal economy of Khudoyar Khan). Tashkent: Fan Publ., 1973.

Nalivkin V. P. Brief history of the Kokand Khanate // Istoriya Srednoi Azii [History of Central Asia], Moscow: Evrolints-Russkaya Panorama Publ., 2003.

Petrov V. I. The rebellious "heart" of Asia. Xinjiang: a Brief History of Popular Movements and Memories, Moscow: Kraft+ Publishing House, 2003.

RGVIA. F. VUA.

Terentyev M. A. Istoriya Obedianiya Srednoi Azii [History Of the Conquest Of Central Asia]. Vol. I-III. SPb., 1903-1906.

Fadeeva I. L. Official doctrines in the ideology and politics of the Ottoman Empire (Ottomanism-Pan-Turkism). Moscow, 1985.

Khalfin N. A. Sultanskaya Turkiya i angliiskaya expansiya v Srednoi Azii (50-80 gg. XIX v.) [Sultan's Turkey and the English expansion in Central Asia (50-80 gg. XIX v.)]. Trudy Sredneaziatskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. Lenin street. New series. Issue 94. Istoricheskie nauki, book 14. Tashkent, 1957.

BOA. A.

Boulger D. C. The Life of Yakoob-Beg: Athalik Ghazi and Badaulet: Ameer of Kashgar. L., 1878.

Forsyth T. D. Report of a Mission to Yarkand in 1873 under Command of Sir Т. О. Forsyth. Calcutta, 1875.

Hence P. B. The Great Game in Kashgaria. British and Russian Missions to Yakub Beg // Central Asian Survey. Vol. 8. 1989. N 2.

Saray M. Rus Isgali Devrinde Osmanli Devleti He Tiirkistan Hanhklari Arasindaki Siyasi Munasehetler (1775 - 1875). Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1994.

Saray M. The Russian, British, Chinese and Ottoman Rivalry in Turkestan. Ankara: Turkish Historical Society Printing House, 2003.

Schwarz H. G. The Khwajas of Eastern Turkistan // Central Asiatic Journal. Vol. XX, N 3 - 4.

page 22

application

Samples of coins minted by Yakub bek

A gold coin.

Obverse - Sultan Abdiilaziz han.

Reverse-Duribe dariissaltanai Ka§gar 1293

Translation:

Sultan Abdulaziz Khan. Remote possession of the Sultan of Kashgar.

1293 AD (28.01.1876-15.01.1877 A.D.)

Silver coin

Obverse - Abdiilaziz han.

Reverse - Nasri Duribe Ka§gar 1290

Translation:

Abdul Aziz Khan. Owning faraway Kashgar with God's help.

1290 AD (28.02.1873-17.02.1874 AD)

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