The end of the XVIII-60s of the XIX century were the time of the annexation of the North-Western Caucasus to Russia. The need for a firm foothold in the region posed a variety of challenges for Russia. Although there were active military operations in the North-West Caucasus, trade links were also established between the population of southern Russia and the inhabitants of the North-West Caucasus. The Russian government was faced with the need, on the one hand, to regulate Russian-Adyghe trade relations, and on the other, to limit the penetration of foreign goods to the Caucasus through Adygea.

Mutually beneficial trade of the population of the south of the Russian Empire and Circassia was established in the XVIII century. [Gardanov, 1967, p. 115]. At the end of the 18th century, after the Black Sea Cossack army settled on the right bank of the Kuban and Ekaterinodar was formed, the Trans-Kuban Adygs established close economic ties with the Cossacks (Shamray, 1901: 361, 362). The Black Sea Cossacks, having no established trade relations with Central Russia, at first used goods coming from the North-West Caucasus. The development of trade relations resulted in the creation of four annual fairs in Ekaterinodar and the first exchange yards for trade with the Circassians [GAKK, D. 386, L. 116]. The Cossacks exchanged the necessary goods for salt, which the population of the North-Western Caucasus needed.

In October 1793, the ataman of the Black Sea Cossack army Z. A. Chepega established rules for the exchange of salt for mountain goods. The rules stipulated that "except for one salt, nothing should be exported there for the promenade under the strictest penalty" [GAKK, d. 242, l. 49]. The preserved statements of the Ekaterinodar exchange yard for the period from 1796 to 1798 allow us to get an idea of the assortment of bargaining. The Circassians supplied wheat, rye, millet, barley, oats, wax, honey, wooden building materials, boats, agricultural implements, and leather [Russko-Adygeiskie..., 1957, pp. 11-32]. The total value of Russian-Adyghe trade at the beginning of the XIX century reached almost 100 thousand rubles (Gardanov, 1967, p. 115).

After the capture of Anapa in 1809, Marshal de Traverse, in a letter to the Minister of Maritime Affairs P. V. Chichagov, noted the need to establish trade between the fortress and the local population, having in mind not only commercial benefits, but also political goals. Trade, so necessary for the highlanders, should have attracted them to the side of Russia [Foreign Policy..., 1967, p. 95]. During his tenure as the commandant of Anapa, Major General Buchholz, trade between the Circassians and Russians began to develop successfully [Khrestomatiya..., 1975, p. 50].

In 1810, the Ministry of War of the Russian Empire submitted a report to the Committee of Ministers, which justified the idea of expanding the Russian-Adyghe trade, i.e. the Russian government in its strategy of joining the Caucasus sought to take into account the economic factor [Pokrovsky, 1989,

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p. 120]. Since 1810, barter yards were established on the Caucasian line: Ust-Labinsky, Prochnookopsky, Prokhladnensky, Konstantinogorsk, Pashurinsky, and Naursky [Istoriya Kabardino-Balkar ASSR, 1967, p. 209]. Additional barter yards were created on the territory of the Black Sea Cossack army: Redutsky, Malolagerny, Ekaterinodar, Velikolagerny, Novoekaterininsky, Slavyansky, Bugazsky [Pokrovsky, 1957, p. 25-26].

Odessa occupied a special place in the Black Sea trade. At the initiative of the Governor of Novorossiya, the Duke of Richelieu, attempts were made to establish regular trade relations with Circassia and Georgia. This was entrusted to two Western European consular agents: Genoese Skassi and Dutch shipowner Teb de Marigny. This is how the Russian trade mission, known in the historical literature as the "Skassi Mission", began to work.

A Russian merchant of Genoese origin, Raphael Augustovich Skassi, presented a plan for trade with the Circassians to the governor of Richelieu in 1811. In his opinion, the Caucasus could have an important role in trade with both Europe and Asia. Skassi's suggestions were positively evaluated. Richelieu provided him with letters of recommendation and sent him to Anapa [Foreign Policy..., 1967, p. 107].

The expansion of trade led to the publication in 1811 of the "Rules of Trade relations with Circassians and Abaza". Approved by Alexander I, they established such points of trade with the Circassians as Kerch and Bugaz. At the same time, Kerch was focused on goods arriving by sea from Circassia and Abkhazia, while Bugaz was focused on goods imported by land [PSZRI, 1830, p.878]. Circassians bought salt, household items, and iron products.

At the end of October 1811. Skassi went to one of the Adyghe tribes-the Natukhais. From this period, he began to actively engage in trade with the highlanders. Being present at the people's assembly in 1813, Skassi concluded a trade agreement with the Circassians [Skassi, 1974, pp. 281-283], according to which a mutually beneficial exchange was carried out between the Russian and Adyghe sides. Bargaining was conducted, as a rule, where a merchant ship docked. At the same time, residents appointed several people to establish the customs tariff and control the trade carried out [L. Ya., 1848].

The successful development of trade relations between Russia and Circassia allowed R. Skassi to address Alexander I in 1816 with a note, which contained a request to promote the development of trade. After that, Russia provided 100 thousand poods of salt, which was very much needed by the local population [Chirg, 1987, p. 154].In the same year, Skassi, sent on behalf of the Russian government to the military ataman of the Black Sea Cossack army, insisted on expanding trade relations with the Adygs [Korolenko, 1874, p.164]. He criticized the existing system of barter yards with their petty regulation [Pokrovsky, 1957, p. 23].

There is no consensus in the literature on the role of Skasi in the development of Russian-Adyghe trade relations in the first quarter of the 19th century. There are two assessments of the mission's performance.

Some historians negatively assess the results of its work. The main argument is the idea that there are no proper terms of trade with the Highlanders [Korolenko, 1874, p. 165, 184; Pisarev, 1940, p. 20-21; Potto, 1886, p. 600, 601, 603; Fadeev, 1958, p.32-33]. Other researchers emphasize the positive significance of creating trading points in Kerch and Bugaz. Thus, M. V. Pokrovsky pointed out the positive results of the mission. In his opinion, before the Russo-Turkish war of 1828-1829, trade reached a significant size [Pokrovsky, 1957, p. 82].

It seems that the methods of trade proposed by R. Skassi not only brought a certain commercial income, but also contributed to the establishment of friendly relations between the two peoples. By engaging in direct communication-

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While working with the population, Skassi carried out a number of diplomatic assignments for the Russian command.

According to R. Skassi, the development of peaceful relations with the Highlanders contradicted the point of view of the Chief of Staff of the Caucasian Corps A. P. Ermolov. In a report dated April 27, 1822 to the Minister of Foreign Affairs K. V. Nesselrode, Ermolov spoke out against the mission: some of the military were in favor of a tough solution to the "Circassian issue".

Count M. S. Vorontsov, who was appointed Governor-General of Novorossiysk in 1823, had a different attitude. He insisted on expanding trade ties with the Highlanders, believing that trade communication would lead to peaceful relations between the Adygs and Russia. Describing Vorontsov's views, the French Consul in Russia, Amable de Barant, wrote:: "The administration of Count Vorontsov preserves to the least extent the tradition of military discipline and unwavering cruelty, which in Russia is usually considered evidence of diligent service and a means to please the emperor. Count Vorontsov decided that Odessa would remain a commercial city without any military or naval institutions. The Vorontsov police don't find fault with anyone. One can live in Odessa, enjoying freedom of movement, feeling safe and not particularly afraid of the authorities" [Souvenirs..., 1890, p. 124].

In addition to the commercial operations carried out by the "Skassi Mission" in the first half of the 19th century, trade continued to be conducted through barter yards.

Military and administrative management of exchange yards led to abuse of officials, petty regulation, and inability to provide the necessary range of goods. The military authorities, convinced that it was impossible to cope with the growing demands of trade exchange, switched to a pay-off system. This system saved the military administration from complex reporting and was supposed to generate more revenue. In reality, the tax collectors sold goods at inflated prices, while making significant fortunes [Pokrovsky, 1989, p. 121, 133].

Mutual interest in free trade between the Russians and Adygs led to the need to bypass the barter yards and meet at Russian bazaars and fairs. In 1845, an official permit was issued for the Circassians to freely visit fairs. The commander of the Black Sea cordon line, General Rashpil, sought permission for free trade, considering that restrictive trade in barter yards hindered the ties of the Adyghe population with Russia. The importance of fairs especially increased in the 40-50s of the XIX century. These fairs attracted the Adyghe population. Thus, at the Trinity Fair of 1845 in Ekaterinodar, 9,800 Adygs were present with goods totaling 20,414 rubles in silver [Russko-Adygeiskie..., 1957, p. 5]. At the same time, it was emphasized that trade took place peacefully and amicably. Russian money has been widely used in Adygea's trade. In 1851, the barter yards in the Caucasus were liquidated.

Despite the harsh policy pursued by the tsarist autocracy in the Caucasus, Russian-Adyghe trade relations expanded and strengthened. Unlike trade with Turkey, trade with Russia provided the Circassian population with consumer goods, not luxury goods [Bronevsky, 1823, p. 141-143]. Therefore, it became very important for the Adyghe peasants and pushed trade with other countries into the background [Pokrovsky, 1989, p. 126-127].

In addition to the need to regulate Russian-Adyghe trade relations, the Russian government faced the task of limiting the penetration of foreign goods into the Caucasus. The eastern coast of the Black Sea, inhabited by Adyghe tribes, was an integral part of the coastal sea zone under the control of the Ottoman Empire. Trade between the Northwestern Caucasus, the Ottoman Empire, and the rest of the world passed through the ports of Anatolia.

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The situation began to change during the period of strengthening of Russia's position in the region. Under the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829, the Port transferred ownership of the eastern Black Sea coast to Russia. This circumstance worried the British government, which intensified its policy in the region.

The history of the economic study of the Caucasus by the British dates back to the middle of the XVIII century, when British merchants in search of new markets began to explore the Middle East. In 1739, a trading company was founded in Iran, one of the tasks of which was to collect information about the economic potential of the Caucasus (Fadeev, 1958, p.126). From this period, the commercial development of the region by England began. The establishment of a preferential customs tariff for Transcaucasia by Russia in 1821 had a favorable effect on the development of English trade, since its goods were cheaper than similar products of Russian industry [AKAK, vol. VI, part 1, 1874, p. 243; vol. VII, 1878, p. 121-122]. The opening of a new route Poti-Tiflis-Erivan-Tavriz contributed to the development of English trade. In addition, there was another trade route: through Trebizond, Erzurum, goods got to Iran and Transcaucasia. High-quality English fabrics, which provided a trading profit of 12 to 18%, were particularly in demand. Russia agreed to open an English consulate in Tiflis (Degoev, 1992, p. 121). A large number of goods entered the Caucasus through Anapa. Until 1829, the Caucasus was supplied with European goods, 80% of which were made in England [Le Portfolio..., 1836, p. 20-21]. The Russian bourgeoisie at that time was not yet able to compete with the strong English one.

In 1827, the Minister of Finance, Count E. F. Kankrin, proposed making the "Transcaucasian provinces" a raw material colony of Russia. He defended the interests of the Russian merchants and demanded the abolition of the preferential tariff established for Transcaucasia in 1821 [Rozhkova, 1949, p. 85, 94]. Measures were taken to protect Russian trade. In 1831, a protectionist tariff was extended to Transcaucasia [Rozhkova, 1949, p. 4]. 167 - 170, 284 - 286, 385]. This led to a change in the methods of conducting English trade. Goods were delivered through the territory of neighboring countries, bypassing customs: either under the guise of Turkish and Persian goods, or by smuggling [Degoev, 1992, p. 62]. Since then, Russia has taken systematic measures to curb foreign trade on the eastern Black Sea coast. The Russian government allowed foreign ships to enter only Anapa and Redoubt-Kale. If vessels were detained elsewhere, they were subject to confiscation. Customs and quarantine regulations were introduced. In 1830, military vessels began patrolling the Black Sea coast [Istoriya narodov..., 1988, p. 133].

K. V. Nesselrode, in a letter to the Russian envoy in Constantinople A. P. Butenev dated August 8, 1831, charged him with the duty to inform the Turkish government and foreign missions in Constantinople about the introduction of new rules [AVPRI, d. 320, l. 28-28 ob.]. Another document emphasized that trade can be carried out where there is a quarantine and the authorities [AVPRI, d. 315, l. 142-142 vol.]. Despite this permission, trade was severely restricted, since trade was conducted only in those places that were controlled by the tsarist troops [Shamrai, 1901, p. 462]. From Anapa to Redoubt-Calais, only five out of 25 points were under the control of the authorities [AKAK, vol. VIII, 1879, p. 643]. Following instructions from St. Petersburg, A. P. Butenev in 1831 informed the Port government and all representatives of foreign states in Constantinople about the establishment of customs quarantine measures. In 1836, this was done again, but the English ambassador Ponsonby limited himself to notifying the acceptance of the note ad referendem, without obliging himself to inform merchants and navigators about it. It is clear that under these conditions, the smuggling trade developed. To combat it, the Black Sea coastline was used. According to General Rayevsky, " they believed der-

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to squeeze eight hundred thousand inhabitants in a tight blockade, weakening them with hunger and lack, and finally conquering them by invading their mountains " [Anglo-Russian..., 1940, p. 203].

The further development of Russian-Adyghe trade relations could contribute to the successful resolution of many issues that arose between Russia and the Circassians, especially since the population preferred to bargain with Russia rather than Turkey, since this bargaining was more profitable and convenient for the Circassians [Russko-Adygeiskie..., 1957, p.57]. But the tsarist authorities used trade as one of the methods of colonial policy. The ban on trade was one of the ways to punish the mountain population [Chirg, 1987, p. 175]. This caused a negative reaction from local residents. In addition, the cessation of trade with the highlanders made it difficult to supply food to the Russian troops [Russko-Adygeiskie..., 1957, p. 380].

Representatives of the Russian military administration, N. N. Rayevsky and I. R. Antrep, recommended that the government change its policy towards Circassia. To do this, in their opinion, it was necessary to expand economic ties with the highlanders. In 1840, N. N. Rayevsky suggested that the government grant privileges to Russian merchants and artisans who wanted to move to Abkhazia and Circassia in order to attract "worthy merchants" to the economic development of the region [AKAK, vol.IX, part 1, 1881, p. 474, N 414]. The tactic of punishing the mountain population with a ban on trade gave huge advantages to foreign merchants, contributing to the prosperity of smuggling. It should also be taken into account that there were no conditions for the economic conquest of the Caucasus by Russian capital at that time. The journey from Moscow to Tiflis by horse took about a month. There was a fierce war going on in the Caucasus. A strong military convoy was required to escort the goods train.

Analyzing the trade and economic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus at the end of the XVIII-60s of the XIX century, it is necessary to emphasize its ambiguity. The desire to establish a regular mutually beneficial trade exchange strengthened Russia's position in the region. Other Russian measures aimed at limiting the penetration of foreign goods into the Caucasus also contributed to this. But the political situation in the region and the ongoing Caucasian war led to the transformation of trade into one of the methods of colonial policy. This practically negated the positive achievements in Russian-Adyghe trade relations.

list of literature

AVPRI (Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire). F. Embassy in Constantinople.

AKAK (Acts collected by the Caucasian Archeographic Commission)). Vol. VI-IX. Tiflis, 1874-1881.

Anglo-Russian incident with the schooner "Vixen" / / Red Archive, vol. 5 (102), Moscow, 1940.

Bronevsky S. M. The latest geographical and historical news about the Caucasus, ch. P. M., 1823.

Foreign policy of Russia of the XIX-early XX century. Documents of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Series I. T. 5. Moscow, 1967.

SAC (State Archive of the Krasnodar Territory). F. 249. Op. 1.

Gardanov V. K. Public order of the Adyghe peoples, Moscow, 1967.
Degoev V. V. The Caucasian issue in International relations of the 30-60s of the XIX century. Vladikavkaz, 1992.

History of the Kabardino-Balkar ASSR. Moscow, 1967.

History of the peoples of the North Caucasus (late 17th century-1917). Moscow, 1988.

Korolenko P. P. Chernomortsy, St. Petersburg, 1874.
On trade with the mountain tribes of the Caucasus on the northeastern coast of the Black Sea / / Transcaucasian Bulletin. 1848. No. 4, April 1.

Pisarev V. I. Methods of conquest of the Adyghe people by tsarism in the first half of the XIX century // Istoricheskie zapiski [Historical Notes], vol. 9, Moscow, 1940.

PSZRI (Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire). Collection I. T. XXXVIII. St. Petersburg, 1830.

Pokrovsky M. V. From the history of the Adygs at the end of the XVIII - first half of the XIX century. Krasnodar, 1989.

Pokrovsky M. V. Russko-Adyghe trade relations. Maykop, 1957.

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Potto V. The Caucasian War in separate essays, episodes, legends and biographies. Vol. 2. Issue 4. St. Petersburg, 1886.

Rozhkova M. K. Economic policy of the tsarist government in the Middle East in the second quarter of the XIX century and the Russian bourgeoisie. Moscow-L., 1949.

Russko-adygeiskie torgovye svyazi 1793-1800 gg.: Sbornik dokumentov. Maykop, 1957.

Skassi R. Extract from a note on the affairs of Circassia, provided by Mr. Skassi in 1816 / / Adygs, Balkars, Karachays in the news of European authors. Nalchik, 1974.

Fadeev A.V. Russia and the Eastern Crisis of the 20s of the XIX century. Moscow, 1958.

Chrestomatiya po istorii Kubani [Textbook on the history of Kuban]. Vol. X. Ch. 1. Dokumenty i materialy [Documents and materials]. Krasnodar, 1975.

Chirg A. Y. Russian Struggle against smuggling and slave trade in the North-West Caucasus (1825-1864). Dis. kand. ist. nauk.Moscow, 1987.

Shamray V. S. Kratkiy ocherk menovykh (torgovykh) snosheniy po Chernomorskoi kordonnoi i beregovoy linii s zakubanskimi gorskimi narodami s 1792 po 1804 god [A brief sketch of exchange (trade) relations along the Black Sea cordon and coastal line with the Trans-Kuban Mountain peoples from 1792 to 1804].
Le Porfolio ou collection de documents relatifs a I'histoire contemporaine. P., 1836.

Souvenirs du baron de Barant. P., 1890.

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