In Egyptological historiography, the accession and subsequent reign of Hatshepsut (c. 1504 - 1483 BC)1 is considered a usurpation of power in the presence of a legitimate heir, Thutmose III 2. Despite new historical data and interpretations, this view is very stable in Egyptology. Unfortunately, in Russian historiography, the problem of Hatshepsut's accession, and in particular the change in her status - from queen regent to senior co-ruler of Thutmose III-has never been the subject of discussion. In essence, the accession of Hatshepsut was interpreted as a gross violation of all the ancient traditions of succession to the throne and an outrageous usurpation: "The first years (of the reign of Thutmose III. - V. B.) everything remained as before. Years are counted on the monuments of this period in the name of Thothmes III, Hatshepsut in all official images stands behind him and bears the usual titles of queen. However, Hatshepsut soon seizes the throne" [Mathieu, 1961, p. 210]; "In the first years after the death of his parent (Thutmose II. - V. B.), he was recognized as the sole sovereign, but then the ambitious widow of the late Pharaoh Hishapsua (Hashepsove) pushed her stepson and nephew out of control. ..After a while, the ruler did not achieve enough, and she proclaimed herself Pharaoh." [IDV, 1988, p. 425-426; Perepelkin, 2000, p. 212]. However, when interpreting the facts in this way, it is often overlooked that Hatshepsut was crowned as a legitimate pharaoh with a full royal title drawn up; thus, the use of the very concepts of "usurpation" and "seizure of power" in this case is clearly incorrect, since it implies an illegal (or forceful) coming to power and, as a rule, the use of the concept of "usurpation" and "seizure of power"., overthrow of an opponent. And Thutmose III, as is known, was neither deposed nor deprived of royal honors.

After the death of her husband Thutmose II, Hatshepsut retained all the titles assigned to her as a daughter, sister and wife of the pharaoh: "great royal wife", "wife of the king", "great wife of the king, beloved by him", "sister of the king", "daughter of the king", "daughter of the king, beloved by him","consort of God " [Urk. IV, 1906, 192].

Perhaps the queen did not immediately fully assume control of the country. Most likely, the real power for some time was in the hands of high-ranking courtiers from the entourage of Thutmose I and I. Since Thutmose III was still a child at the time of Thutmose II's death, Hatshepsut, as the king's eldest daughter and the king's widow, became his regent-ruler, which corresponded to the long-standing Egyptian religious and political traditions. What role Thutmose I's widow and Hatshepsut's mother, Queen Yahmes, might have played during this period of time is unknown. In any case, there is no reason to doubt that both the regency and Hatshepsut's subsequent reign were made possible with the support of the group.-

1 Dating is given from [Clayton, 1994, p. 104].

2 For example: [Drioton and Vandier, 1962, p. 339, 398; Gardiner, 1961, p. 183; Hayes, 1959, p. 113; Redford, 1967, p. 81].

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some of the most important courtiers involved. "The reason for recognizing Hatshepsut's political role was the fact that after the death of her husband, she was the eldest member of the royal family. Around her, even in childhood, when Thutmose I was still alive, a court staff was formed. This group of people grew stronger after her betrothal to Thutmose II and her priestly title of "consort of god". Both the name "great royal consort" and the title "consort of God" were associated with the functions of controlling estates. The court staff therefore not only served the Queen during her daily activities, but also managed her estates. People who had experience in this work linked their future with the fate of the queen" [Geheimnisvolle..., 1997, p. 22-23].

In the autobiography of the grandee and court architect Ineni, there is an important passage describing the state of affairs in the country during the regency of Hatshepsut: "His son (Thutmose II. - V. B.) took his place as king of Both Lands. He reigned on the throne of the one who conceived him. His sister, the consort of God, Hatshepsut, was in charge of the country. The two Lands (lived )according to her will, worked for her, Egypt-in zeal. The seed of God (Hatshepsut. - V. B.) useful, which came out of it! The bow rope of Upper Egypt, the mooring stake of the southerners, the stern rope of this excellent land of the North. Lady of commands, excellent in her plans; both sides are pleased when she speaks." IV, 1906, 59 - 60]. The text's praise of Hatshepsut ends with an enumeration of the benefits that Ineni received from the queen [Urk. IV, 1906, 60 - 61].

The inscription of Ineni, who served Thutmose I, is essentially significant, since it can be regarded as evidence of the positive attitude of the highest courtiers to the concentration of power in the hands of the queen. It is noteworthy that the Ineni inscription itself does not mention the name of the new Pharaoh, while it is clear about the primary role of Hatshepsut in state affairs. Most likely, the recognition of Hatshepsut as a leading figure by the court was based on a long - established tradition of regency performed by women of the royal house: at the beginning of the XVIII dynasty, royal women ruled as regents for a long time until the young pharaohs matured. Thus, of the kings of the beginning of the XVIII dynasty, only Thutmose I ascended the throne in adulthood. Thus, the courtiers and the population of the country, apparently, were already used to powerful female figures who took part in the government of the country, so Hatshepsut's active role did not cause protest. In this context, it is appropriate to recall the law of the Second dynasty king Binofris, according to which, as Manetho mentions, women were not forbidden to rule the country3.

In accordance with a very common, though controversial, point of view that recognizes matriarchal tendencies in the Egyptian succession to the throne [Mathieu, 1961, p. 210, 392; Moret, 2007, p. 316-318; Turaev, 1936, p. 261; Breasted, 1905, p. 255, 266-267; Clayton, 1994, p. 101, 136; Desroches Noblecourt, 1994, p. 51-52; Gardiner, 1961, p. 172, 177; Jequier, 1993, p. 230; Ratie, 1979, p. 73; Redford, 1967, p. 51, 71-74], the right to the throne was transferred by female Thus, Hatshepsut's primacy in relation to Thutmose III and, accordingly, her legitimacy was based on the principle of nobility of her descent from the" great royal consort "and" sister of the king " Yahmes, who carried the so-called solar blood of Amun-Ra [Ratie, 1972, pp. 76-77, 231; Ratie, 1979, p. 73, 312-313]. And this, as well as Hatshepsut's likely maternal lineage to Pharaoh Yahmose I 4 - the liberator of the country from the Hyksos - created an advantage over the infant Thutmose III, born only to a concubine 5. Moreover, don't-

3"During his reign, it was decided that women could hold the royal office" (Waddell, 1948, p. 36-37).

4 For the sake of distinction, we give the same sounding name in different spellings: Queen Jahmes and King Jahmos.

5 No doubt Thutmose III's mother, Iset, received the titles of queen only a posteriori.

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looking at the likeness of the male king to the god Horus, this point of view leads to the fact that it was Thutmose III who was the less noble heir to the throne.

During the first two years of the nominal reign of Thutmose III and the regency of Hatshepsut, her iconography remained within the bounds of a proper queen, but according to epigraphic and pictorial sources, in the following years Hatshepsut, the queen and regent, gradually evolved into Hatshepsut, the Pharaoh and co-ruler.

For example, an undated stele preserved in the Berlin Museum (Robins, 1993, p.43) shows the royal family worshipping Ra-Horakhti: Thutmose II, Queen Yahmes, the widow of Thutmose I, and Hatshepsut herself. It is worth noting that Hatshepsut is depicted bringing up the rear of this group and without the attributes of power (even without the double feathers-shutas, which serve as a distinctive feature of the headdress of queens 6). The inscription placed above her figure is a set of titles given to the queen: "daughter of the king, sister of the king, consort of God, great royal consort Hatshepsut, may she live!" [Urk. IV, 1906, 143 - 144]. Hatshepsut's relatively modest position under Thutmose II and in the early years of the regency should not be surprising, since the queen had not yet been officially crowned. At the same time, there are other extremely important sources indicating the increased importance of Hatshepsut still in the status of royal consort of Thutmose II and regent, which can be found on recently published fragmentary blocks from Karnak, apparently part of the sanctuary of Amun "necheri menu "(ntry mnw) and the chapel for the boat of Amun from bely a stone from Tura (?) [Gabolde, 2005].

The uniqueness of Hatshepsut's metamorphosis also lies in the fact that even before she was officially crowned king of Egypt (and this happened no later than the 7th year of the nominal reign of Thutmose III), elements unique to the pharaoh appear in her titulature and iconography. The decor and texts of the Karnak buildings, built around the first years of Thutmose III's formal reign, show Hatshepsut's gradual accumulation of royal powers that are generally unusual for women of the royal house: for example, the function of personally performing the ritual before Amon-Ra, initiating the construction of sanctuaries and protecting their inhabitants from enemies. Inscriptions and images on the "necheri menu" blocks, which affirm the queen's authority, indicate that Hatshepsut, before being crowned, already had royal prerogatives, being a kind of semi-pharaoh [Gabolde, 2005, Vol. II, pis I, IV, V, VII, IX, XI-XIII, XV-lr, 2v, 3r, 3v, 4v, 5v, 6v, 7r, 7v].

Thus, these functions are well illustrated by a limestone block found in Karnak in 1930 by A. Chevrier, on which Hatshepsut is depicted wearing an atef crown and holding sacrificial round vessels-nu (Chevrier, 1934, p. 172, pl. IV). In this scene, Hatshepsut appears in the dress of a queen, but the titles carved next to her figure that are characteristic of the ruling pharaoh - "King of Upper and Lower Egypt", "Lord of the Ma'atkara ritual, may she live!" indicate a fundamentally different religious and political status. The most plausible explanation for this startling phenomenon may be that Hatshepsut was depicted as a woman for some time after her official coronation, but with the royal trappings of power. There is also an assumption that such scenes belong to the time of Thutmose II, when Hatshepsut already acquired a position equal to the pharaoh, but, nevertheless, the appearance of this iconography during the regency is more likely [Geheimnisvolle..., 1997, p.23]. The scene in the above-mentioned relief is an amazing amalgam of male and female attributes of power. Even more outlandish must have been the confusion

6 However, the lack of shuti feathers (š wty) can be explained by the lack of space on the stele, which has a rounded top.

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Hatshepsut's contemporaries, so later the queen ordered such images to be redone in accordance with the canons of the image of a male king.

In this connection, texts and inscriptions proclaiming the queen as the chosen one of Amun-Ra through an oracle, a "miracle", are of great interest. Direct and indirect indications of this manifestation of the deity's will are very numerous in texts from the time of Hatshepsut's reign. Apparently, the earliest episode of this kind took place in the early years of Hatshepsut's regency, although the queen herself refers it only to the reign of her father Thutmose I: "(1) ...[this god gave] a very great (oracle) in the presence of this good god, foretold to me the kingship of both Lands (2), (so that) Upper and Lower Egypt are afraid of me (literally, under my fear), subjecting all foreign countries to me, (and) highlighting (3) the victories of My Majesty. Year 2, month 2 (of the season) Peret 7, 29th day, 3rd day of the feast of Amon, respectively (4) this, 2nd day of sacrifices Sekhmet - (day) promises (to me) of both Lands in the great courtyard (5) of South Ipet (Luxor Temple). Behold, His Majesty (the god Amon) spoke an oracle in the presence of this good god. 6 My father shone forth at his beautiful feast, and Amon is the head of the gods; and he took my Majesty with him.? he has multiplied the oracles concerning me before the whole earth..."8.

A similar event occurred, according to the text of the election of Thutmose III as Amon-Ra, and with the queen's nephew, but the latter, wanting to emphasize his rights to the throne, most likely simply followed the example of Hatshepsut [Ratie, 1979, p.71]. In any case, the oracle was given to both of them during the solemn removal of the statue of the god inside the ark, which gives reason to consider the period of the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III as the time of the emergence of a new practice of sanctioning royal power by the deity itself [Valbelle, 1998, p.224].

After the 7th year of the reign, which was a turning point in the status of the queen, Hatshepsut declares himself as a real pharaoh, after which, in order to coordinate with the gender of the ruler, traditional royal titles and epithets are provided with grammatical endings of the feminine gender. However, along with the forms of titles and epithets in the feminine gender, the masculine gender is very often used. It should be noted that we are not talking about a separate monument, but about a number of monuments: from texts in the memorial temple of Hatshepsut " Dzheser Dzheseru "(Deir el-Bahri) to inscriptions on embedded objects of this temple (on scarabs, oil vessels, tools, etc.). Sometimes within the same inscription accompanying the musculinized image of Hatshepsut, both genders are combined: for example, "the good goddess, lord of Both Lands of Maatkara, ruler of Thebes" or "the good goddess, lady of Both Lands, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, daughter of Ra Hatshepsut, who is granted life forever"

Assessing this phenomenon, it is hardly possible to deny that the change in the appearance of the queen and the use of the masculine gender in the inscriptions was dictated by the change in the status of Hatshepsut, and not by the subjective desire of the queen herself. It is for these reasons that sculptors and carvers were instructed to depict Hatshepsut in the form of a man with all the attributes of royal power, but at the same time some of her statues retain the shape of a female body. Based on the fragments of sculptures found in Deir el-Bahri, the American expedition of the Metropolitan Museum of Art reconstructed a number of statues

7 Peret-literally "exit". One of the three seasons of the ancient Egyptian calendar, which lasted from mid-November to mid-March.

8 Inscription on block No. 285 from the "Red Chapel" - Valbelle, 1998, p. 225, photo of the block on the website - www.maat-ka-ra.de

9 Block in the "Red Chapel" N 150, south wall of the lobby, 4th register.

10 Block in the "Red Chapel" N 135, south outer wall, 3rd register.

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Hatshepsut in his authentic, feminine appearance, but in the royal headdresses-khat and nemes, and three restored sculptures have a pronounced female breast, and two of them represent the ruler in a women's shirt with straps and bracelets on her legs (which was typical of women) [Metropolitan Museum of Art. Statues N 29.3.3. and 30.3.3. - Hatshepsut, 2005, p. 159, 171]. It is also worth noting that two statues under the feet of Hatshepsut are engraved with the image of nine bows-a symbol of foreign peoples subordinate to the pharaoh.

The female gender was part of Hatshepsut's personality, which she apparently never intended to completely abandon, so in order to combine images in the form of a male king and her own feminine essence, in the royal texts and inscriptions of Hatshepsut, traditional male titles and epithets were written out with grammatical endings of the feminine gender. In other words, when performing a royal role that required changes in iconography, the inscriptions emphasized the true gender of the ruler. Therefore, we are not inclined to agree with the statement that the alternation of masculine and feminine endings is simply a grammatical device, the result of ignorance or bewilderment of confused royal scribes, who were followed by stone cutters [Ratie, 1979, p.135]. It is hardly possible to believe that during the entire reign of Hatshepsut, various companies of scribes and stonecutters made so many blunders on royal monuments. Even the iconic statue of Hatshepsut from the memorial chapel in Deir el-Bahri, which is widely known from reproductions, representing the ruler in the traditional dress of the pharaoh-in a nemes scarf and shendit apron, retains a feminine outline, and the royal protocol is coordinated with the gender of Hatshepsut: "Good Goddess, mistress of Both Lands, Maatkara, beloved of Amon-Ra Lord of the thrones of Both Lands, may she live forever! The daughter of Ra from the flesh of his Henemet-Amon Hatshepsut, beloved by Amon, the king of the gods, may she live forever! " [Statue N 29.3.2. - Hatshepsut, 2005, p. 172]11.

In support of our point of view, we point out a similar situation in the inscriptions of Queen Tausert, who reigned at the end of the XIX dynasty, and to whom royal titles and epithets were also attached in both masculine and feminine: "son of Ra"/"daughter of Ra", "lady of Both Lands" and "lord of Both Lands". And here there is a balancing act between the feminine and masculine elements, 12 which we regard as deliberate design. This statement is supported by the fact that in the tomb of Tausert in the Valley of the Kings (N KV 14) in some inscriptions the epithets of the gods (!) Osiris, Anubis, Ptah, Thoth, and Geb have feminine grammatical endings (not" lord", but" mistress"), explicitly added in order to match the gender of the queen (Reeves and Wilkinson, 1996, p. 158; Bolshakov, 2007, p.153-154) .13
This combination of the feminine and masculine genders in canonical royal inscriptions has been interpreted as a purposeful affirmation of androgyny, which is a characteristic of fertility deities and creator gods [Ratie, 1972, p. 232; Troy, 1986, p.139-144].

According to S. Ratie, Hatshepsut wanted to combine the androgynous principle of the "father and mother" of humanity inherent in the creator gods (Ratie, 1981, p. 71). Although such images of androgynous gods are unknown from the time of Hatshepsut, at the end of the New Kingdom, images of the goddesses Mut and Sekhmet with male characteristics appear 14.

11 Metropolitan Museum of Art. Statue No. 29.3.2.

12 See [Troy, 1986, p. 1431

13 See images of Osiris (Chamber F), Anubis and Ra-Horahti (Hall J1, Pillar 5) http://www.thebanmap-pingproject.com/sites/browse_tombimages_828.html

14 See, for example, the image of the three-headed winged goddess Mut with a phallus in the Turin "Book of the Dead" of the XVIII dynasty, the ithyphallic goddess (Sekhmet?) in the Khonsu Temple in Karnak and the itifallic Mut from the Hibis temple.

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In this regard, it is appropriate to recall the presence in the Egyptian religion of female counterparts of the gods. Their forms of names, which differ from the corresponding names of the male gods only in feminine endings and probably pronunciation, seem to be a manifestation of the desire for fragmentation so developed in Egypt. Thus, since the Fifth Dynasty, the god Ra has acquired a female counterpart: Rath/Rait or Rattaoui ("Rath of Both Lands"), which appears, in particular, in the" Pyramid Texts " of Unis [Budge, 1904, p.328] and in a variety of mythological contexts [Hornung, 1994, p. 71-72]. For example, in the inscription in Deir el-Bahri, Hatshepsut is directly called Rath "Rath", shining like the Aton, your lady (and) lady of Punt " [Urk. IV, 1906, 332, 11 - 13]. The feminine use of the name of the god Hora - "Horit" (Hrt) in relation to Hatshepsut is well known. There is another interesting feature in the royal inscriptions of the time of Hatshepsut: the use of the feminine gender where Hatshepsut herself was not involved, i.e. in relation to Thutmose II, Thutmose III, and even Thutmose I [Naville, pt I, 1894, pl. XIV; pt IV, 1901, pl. CLXIV]. There may have been some confusion, but the frequency of such cases makes us think about their premeditation [Hatshepsut, 2005, p. 10].

The rapid construction that followed Hatshepsut's reign was largely under her name, but Thutmose III was not completely eliminated from the royal texts and images. On the contrary, the 15-year co-rule of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III shows no trace of rivalry between the two rulers or the struggle of court parties. In a number of monuments, in particular in the surviving scenes in Deir el-Bahri and in the so-called "Red Chapel" in Karnak, he appears as a co - ruler, participating on an equal basis with Hatshepsut in ceremonies and worship, but everywhere Hatshepsut is a figure of the first magnitude, and in joint scenes Thutmose and his cartouche are only on the top of the map. second place. This principle also applied to monuments of private individuals, in which the name of Thutmose III appears after the name of Hatshepsut in inscriptions. In Deir el-Bahri, in the sanctuary of Amun, in the rocky and oldest part of the temple (upper terrace), Thutmose III is depicted kneeling with torches in his hands in front of the sacred boat of Amun. The reliefs of this hall, intended for the sacred boat of Amun-rock of nephru (wts nfrw), represent almost all members of the royal family of Thutmosid-dead and alive. The figures are divided into two groups: on the western side (the side of the deceased) - the ancestors, on the eastern side (the side of the living) - Hatshepsut, Thutmose and the daughter of Queen Nefrura. Since the members of the royal family are standing on the ground, they are meant to be themselves, and not their statues, which were usually depicted standing on mats. Most likely, this scene can be interpreted as an appeal of the living pharaohs (Hatshepsut, Thutmose III, and Princess Nefrur) to their direct ancestors: Thutmose I, Queen Yahmes, Thutmose II, and Princess Neferubiti (Naville, pt V, 1906, pi. CXLI).

On the middle terrace of the temple, an image of Thutmose III and Amun was placed on every fourth column of the portico; [Naville, pt III, 1898, pls. LXV, LXVI], including Thutmose in a crown-khepresh is present in the scene of offering ladles of incense from the Punt country to Amun-Ra [Naville, pt III, 1898, pl. LXXXII]15.

Figures and cartouches of Thutmose III performing rituals are repeatedly found both in the reliefs of Deir el-Bahri and in the decoration of the reconstructed quartzite chapel of Hatshepsut in Karnak, erected for the cult boat of Amun ("great place" - st wri) in the area of the VI pylon and known in scientific literature as " La Chapelle Rouge"("Red Chapel").

On the blocks of the "Red Chapel" there are numerous scenes in which Thutmose III is depicted both together with Hatshepsut, and separately. Of particular interest are

15 However, this image of Thutmose III may be a usurped relief of Hatshepsut - http://maat-ka-ra.de/english/start_e.htm

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scenes on the blocks of the side external walls of the chapel with scenes of the Opet Festival ("north wall") and the Beautiful Valley Festival ("south wall"). In particular, you should pay attention to the interpretation of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, depicted as twin pharaohs - you can distinguish their figures only by the cartouches and titles carved next to them. South wall blocks: N 169, 26, 300 (3rd register), 312, 182, 276 (4-2nd register), 104, 176 (5th register), 108, 271 (6th register); north wall blocks: N 40, 273 (3rd register).2nd register), 246 (4th register), 303, 291, 126 (5-2nd register), 155,174 (6th register). Let's take for example some scenes with the image of both co-rulers: for example, on block N 26 ("south wall", 3rd register) it depicts Hatshepsut and Thutmose (behind her), wearing identical aprons and khepresh helmets, during the journey of the sacred boat of Amun from Karnak to Luxor. As stated in the accompanying inscription, Hatshepsut and Thutmose act as "God's guides" - š msw ntr. On block No. 303 ("north wall", 5th register), both kings are depicted at the time of the ritual departure: Hatshepsut (in the foreground) sacrifices to Amun (his barge on the shoulders of the priests-in front of the queen on the right), the arks-meret, and Thutmose III lights incense in a censer. Block N 169 ("south wall", 3rd register): at the extreme right end, Hatshepsut and Thutmose III are again depicted as twin pharaohs wearing khepresh crowns, but this time with maces and wands in their hands. Titles Hatshepsut - "King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of ritual" titles Thutmose - "son of Ra from his flesh" Co-rulers accompany the boat of Amun from Karnak to Luxor on the road to the 5th way chapel. Approximately the middle of the block is occupied by the image of the chapel itself, in which there is a sacred portable boat - the rock of nefru. In front of the way chapel, the sides of which are decorated with two Osiric colossi Hatshepsut (right-in a white crown, left - in a double crown), Thutmose burns incense. This scene may seem somewhat ambiguous: Thutmose III allegedly brings an incense burner to the statue of Hatshepsut and, it would seem,pays homage to the queen - pharaoh. However, this false impression disappears when reading the inscription in the space between them: "creation (incense) of incense to Amon-Ra" therefore, Thutmose incenses not the image of Hatshepsut, but the boat of Amon located inside the chapel!

These examples with scenes of Thutmose III participating in sacrifices and rituals refute the idea that Hatshepsut wanted to completely get rid of her co-ruler. "Hatshepsut's attitude towards Thutmose III shows that his existence was never a real problem for her, although, as a far-sighted woman, she had to reckon with the fact that each passing year strengthened Thutmose's ability to rule independently" (Tyldesley, 1997, p.135). Moreover, in accordance with the principles of raising princes, Thutmose's youth was probably spent in military exercises in the army (Redford, 1967, p. 81) (otherwise, he would not have been able to personally lead a belligerent army immediately after Hatshepsut's death), and this would have posed a threat to Hatshepsut's power if she was seriously wary of her nephew. In particular, the Sinai stele, dated to the 13th year and containing the image of Thutmose III, mentions an officer who took part in the campaign of "His Majesty... to a foreign country" [Ratie, 1979, p. 199]. Another rock inscription with an image from the year 16, also left in Sinai near Wadi Maghar, testifies to the campaign of Thutmose III against nomadic tribes. In this context, it is difficult to deny that the army, despite the queen's statement in the Speos-Artemidos inscription about its enrichment - "My army, which was without equipment, became the owner of riches (since) I shone as a king"

16 We deliberately excluded the upper case from the count of scenes depicting Thutmose III, since the chapel was completed/decorated after Hatshepsut's death.

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[Gardiner, 1946, p. 46, pl. V], should have preferred a male commander, Thutmose III.

Based on the above, it seems to us that the change in Hatshepsut's status in the process of gaining royal power did not require the removal of the young co-ruler, who logically found himself in the shadow of an older and more authoritative person, such as his aunt. Thus, we believe that the royal power achieved by Hatshepsut was not the result of a sudden coup and usurpation, but was the result of the increased powers of the regent, which were reflected in the titles, epithets and iconography of the queen, who became a legitimate pharaoh.

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