The article examines the balance of power in the political elite of the Crimean Khanate in the 1560s and 1590s. The author analyzes the struggle of the clans of the Crimean nobility for control over the diplomatic relations of the Crimean Khanate with the Russian state and the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth, as well as the participation of the main families of the Crimean nobility in the struggle for the throne of the khans during the dynastic crisis of the Girei in 1577-1588.

Keywords: Crimean Khanate, Girey dynastic crisis, Russian-Crimean relations.

POLITICAL ELITE OF THE CRIMEAN KHANATE in 1560-1590s

Alexander VINOGRADOV

The article investigates the alignment offerees in political elite of the Crimean Khanate per 1560-1590. The author analyzes the struggle of clans of the Crimean Khanate with the Russian State and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and also the participation of the main families of the Crimean nobility in the struggle for the throne of khans during Giray's dynastic crisis of 1577-1588.

Keywords: Crimean Khanate, Giray's dynastic crisis, Russian-Crimean relations.

The political elite of the Crimean Khanate in the Russian embassy documentation meant "near tsarev people" - persons who were constantly part of the khan's divan - "near duma". The circle of these persons was defined in the Embassy Order on the basis of: a) " article lists "(reports) of Russian diplomatic representatives in the Crimea, since determining the composition of the closest circle of the Crimean khans and the degree of their loyalty to Moscow has been one of the main tasks since the end of the XV century when collecting information about the situation in the "Crimean Yurt" in the "instructions" given to them; b) messages (labels) delivered to Moscow in the name of the Moscow sovereigns by messengers of prominent "close tsarist people" when the khan's messengers or embassies arrived, in which they expressed their readiness to establish "special relations" with Moscow - to help strengthen allied relations ("good deed") in exchange for the provision of "sovereign's salary" (the usual wording of messages "serve with the right shoulder to your sovereign, and with your left shoulder to you..."); c) messages (labels) of the Crimean khans to the Moscow sovereigns, in which, with their consent, the principle of so-called self-determination is confirmed.amiatstvo - mediation in diplomatic relations between Moscow and Bakhchisarai for individuals or groups of individuals from among their "neighbors", and then for individual surnames (in the second half of the XVI century, the family of the beks of Yashlav ("princes of Suleshev")); d) formed during negotiations with Moscow "amiats"

VINOGRADOV Alexander Vadimovich-Candidate of Historical Sciences, Senior Researcher, Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences; e-mail: rusintrel@list.ru.

Alexander VINOGRADOV - PhD (in History), Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Russian History, RAS, Moscow; rusintrel@list.ru.

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lists for receiving "salaries" (in the Crimean interpretation of "commemorations") by "near tsarev's people" during the visits of Russian messengers and ambassadors.

In the second half of the XVI century, especially under the relatively stable rule of Khan Devlet-Giray I (1551-1577), when Moscow diplomatic representatives (A. F. Nagy's embassies in 1563-1573, etc.) had a long uninterrupted stay in Crimea, the Russian embassy documentation developed clear criteria for determining the place of the political elite of the Crimean Khanate in diplomatic relations."links". These included instructions in the "instructions" to Russian messengers and ambassadors to the Crimea to "make a proper bow", to address specific persons from among the "close tsars' people "in case of conflict situations and personally monitor their receipt of "salary", as well as advantages in distributing "food" and "salary" to all Crimean messengers upon their arrival the Russian state, which was reflected in the business documentation for the reception of Crimean messengers and embassies, and the procedure for entering messages from specific "close tsarev people" directly after messages from the khan and representatives of the house of Giray in the embassy books.

In some cases, in coordination with the Crimean khans, preferences were provided for representatives of specific clans and clans when they were appointed ambassadors to Moscow with the prospect of providing a significant "sovereign salary". In this case, we are talking about representatives of the political elite of Crimea that are relatively loyal or neutral in relation to Moscow. With regard to representatives of the political elite initially hostile to Moscow (under Devlet Giray I, the clans of the Kazan emigration, the Circassian princes (mostly Beseneevsky), and the Crimean Mangyts ("Diveyevs")), it was necessary to determine in the" instructions " the degree of their ability to counteract the actions of Moscow diplomacy and find opportunities for influencing them through various political methods. combinations.

Almost all materials related to the relations of the Russian government with the "near tsarevich people"are concentrated in the fund 123 RGADA ("Relations of Russia with the Crimea") as part of the so-called Crimean embassy books.

In the Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation, the political elite of Crimea also included persons who were part of the divan. Initially, they were entered in the "registers of mentions" (the Polish-Lithuanian equivalent of the Moscow "wake"). At the same time, among the entire Crimean political elite, "omyats" (analogous to Moscow's "amiats") were singled out, which were entered in the register in order of importance. These lists are partially preserved in the so-called embassy books of the Lithuanian Metric (collection of documents of the Chancellery of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Incl.), stored in the RGADA (f. 389). When Crimean messengers arrived in the Polish-Lithuanian state, messengers from the "Omyats" had advantages in receiving "salaries", which was reflected in special lists of messengers in the crown (Polish) belongings books stored in the AGAD (ASK foundation).

In the Russian embassy documentation of the 1560s and 1590s, first of all in the article lists of messengers and ambassadors to the Crimea, three main groups of "close tsarevich people" can be distinguished.

1. Representatives of the historical" state-forming " surnames of the Crimea ("duma princes") - Shiroki and Kipchaks. Representatives of other" historical surnames " - Argynov and Barynov - are not mentioned in the Russian embassy documentation in the context of their participation in the work of the Khan's divan, their performance of embassy missions, and their involvement in diplomatic negotiations.

2. Representatives of the Crimean surnames, which traditionally sought to control the" Moscow "and" Polish-Lithuanian "directions of the Crimean foreign policy, claiming "amiacy" or having already achieved it "de facto", are the Yashlavsky ("princes Suleshev") and Kulyukov ("princes Kulikov")clans 1.

1 The name of the genus is conditional. In the Russian embassy documentation, the name probably comes from the radonachalnik-Kulyuk.

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3. Representatives of the "external clans", relatively recently incorporated into the political elite of the Crimean Khanate , are the Crimean Mangyts ("Diveyev princes"), Circassian princes ("Cherkassy princes") and Kazan emigration of both Crimean and Kazan origin.

4. Clans of" dignitaries " who did not belong to influential families, who made a career on personal ties with the ruling khans, mostly connected with them by the ties of atalyk-under Muhammad Giray II (1577-1584) Musly atalyk, under Gazi Giray II (1588-1596, first reign) - Mollakai Alley atalyk, etc.

In the Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation, "omyats" were divided - persons associated with "special relations" with the Polish-Lithuanian state, and other representatives of the political elite. Based on the historical traditions of diplomatic relations between the Polish-Lithuanian state and the Crimea, when distributing salaries to arriving Crimean messengers in the crown knapsack books, messengers from official Karachay-beks of the state-forming surnames of the Crimea-Shirins, Baryns, Kipchaks, Argyns, later Sedzhuits and Kiyats-were allocated to a special list of messengers from duces (dukes), regardless of their age. real political influence. In the Russian embassy documentation, only "duma princes" were distinguished - those representatives of state-forming surnames who actually sat in the divan.

Unlike the Crimean embassy books, in which the deacons of the Embassy Order entered messages addressed to the sovereign (later B. F. Godunov) only from persons of real political weight, the "Tatar Affairs", which make up the special fund of the Warsaw Crown Archive (Dzial tatarski Archiwum Koronne Warzawskie AGAD), included all messages from the Crimean Tatars without exception. nobles and officials. During the period under review, the mass dispatch of messages in the materials of this fund is recorded in the summer of 1572, on the eve of the campaign of Devlet Giray I to Moscow, in the spring and summer of 1574, after the end of the "first kingless" and the arrival of King Henry of Valesia in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and in the spring and summer of 1578, while preparing negotiations with King Stefan Batory in Lviv.

Messages from the Crimean nobility were not included in the embassy books of the Lithuanian Metric and the embassy books of the Crown Metric during the period under review. In general, the Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation provides relatively complete information about the composition of the political elite of the Crimean Khanate only for the period of the second half of the 1560s - the second half of the 1570s. Russian embassy documentation, despite the lack of complete documentation for 1578-1584, provides much more detailed information about the personal composition of the political elite of the Crimean Khanate for the period from 1563 to 1596

Russian and Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation on diplomatic relations with the Crimean Khanate in the second half of the 16th century. It contains unique information about the composition of the Crimean political elite, its role in the implementation of the foreign policy of the Crimean Yurt, and the position of various clans during the dynastic crises of 1577-1584 and 1596-1597.

However, the introduction of these unique data into scientific circulation is impossible without the publication in full of Crimean embassy books from the fund 123 of the Russian State Academy of Academic Affairs "Relations of Russia with Crimea" and the systematization of Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation stored in various collections of Polish archives and in the Russian State Academy of Academic Affairs as part of the fund 389 "Lithuanian Metric".

PERSONAL COMPOSITION OF THE POLITICAL ELITE OF THE CRIMEAN KHANATE IN THE 1560s AND 1590s.

Reign of Khan Devlet Giray 1

The composition of the divan of Devlet Giray I in 1551-1563 is difficult to reconstruct due to the loss of Russian and fragmentary Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation. It is reliably known that it included Bek Sulesh of Yashlav, whose arrival together with the Khan's messengers is repeatedly mentioned in Russian chronicles. Composition of the" near tsar's people " by Devlet Giray I personifici-

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It is mentioned in the Russian embassy documentation from the beginning of the stay of the embassy of A. F. Nagy (1563). Up to the aggravation of Russian-Crimean relations in 1569-1570. it appears to be quite stable. At this time, up to ten people are part of the" near tsar's people".

Azi bek Shirinsky (in the Russian embassy documentation "Asia Prince Shirinsky", in the LM "Prince Gadchei Shirinsky", in the crown collection books Hatczei Szyrinowskiy).

Whether he was Karachay-bek Shirin is debatable. In the Russian embassy documentation, he is never referred to as "karachey". The real influence was determined by the marriage with one of the daughters of Devlet-Giray I: the article list of A. F. Nagy (1563) states that "the tsar favors the Shirinsky prince Asia, because he gave a daughter for him" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. ch. 10, l. 163ob.]. In the Polish-Lithuanian documentation, he had a high status:" in the register of mentions "of the Lithuanian ambassador A. Vladyka (1568), the first when listing all persons from among the Crimean nobility included in the "register", but not marked as "omyat" [Anya, 2008, p. 251; KPLM, part 1, p. 31 b]2. In the 60s, he constantly appeared in all A. F. Nagy's" unsubscriptions"as an influential member of the divan. He corresponded with Ivan the Terrible [Vinogradov, 2007, vol. II, appendix 6, pp. 320-322].

Sulesh B. Magmedsha, bek Yashlavsky (in the Russian embassy documentation "Prince Sulesh").

Head of the Yashlavsky clan, son of Bek Magmedshi. He proclaimed himself the hereditary Moscow "amiat". He controlled the Moscow direction of the foreign policy of the Crimean Khanate, conducted all negotiations with the embassy of A. F. Nagy. In the Russian embassy documentation, it had the highest status. The first is when listing the "near tsarev's people" in the article list of A. F. Nagogo [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 10, l. 163ob.], he fought after the khan at the Russian-Crimean "finishing" on January 2, 1564 [ibid., l. 315]. He succeeded in 1563 in appointing his eldest son and heir Murad-murza as ambassador to Moscow. The embassy exchange was repeatedly postponed, and by 1568 it was finally postponed. He was in constant correspondence with Ivan the Terrible [Vinogradov, 2007, part II, appendix 5, pp. 317-319].

Sulesh died after 1571. Among his sons, the most famous are Murad, who headed the Yashlav family after his father's death; Kasym-murza, who was executed in 1577 on the eve of Devlet-Giray I's death by order of Kalga Muhammad-Giray; Araslan-murza, Crimean ambassador to Moscow in 1578-1582; Sefer-murza, Ibrahim-pasha-murza, Yansha - (Ensha) - murza, Crimean ambassador to Moscow in 1582-1586 / 1587; who later went over to the side of the sons of Muhammad Giray II and remained in the Russian state 3 Ahmed Pasha, head of the Yashlavsky family from 1591, and Kutlu Murza. All of Sulesh's sons took an active part in the events of the 1570s and 1590s (Vinogradov, 2006: 46-72).

Ali Azi bek Kulyukov ("Prince Kulikov"). The head of the Kulyukov clan is mentioned as the fifth in the list of "near tsarev's people" in the article list of A. F. Nagogo [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, el. chr. 10, l. 163ob.By the mid-1560s, he had disappeared from the field of view of Russian diplomacy.

Divey B. Hasan (in the Russian embassy documentation "Prince Mangytsky" , in the LM "Prince Devey"). The head of the Mansurov clan, Karacha-bek of the Crimean Mangyts, was officially approved by Khan Devlet-Giray I by May 1563. In 1563, in the list of "large families", A. F. Nagoy placed the "princes of Mangit" in fifth place after the four "historical surnames" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed.ch. 10, l. 163ob.]. Polish-Lithuanian diplomacy, taking into account the traditional "great contribution" of the Mansur subjects to the raids on the southern regions of the Polish Crown and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, did not particularly favor Divey in the 1560s. In the" register of references "of the Embassy of A. Vladyka, he is listed as the thirty-first in the list of all persons from among the Crimean nobility included in the" register " [Anya, 2008, p. 256; KPLM, part 1, p.318]. In relation to the Russian state, Divey took a hostile position

2 A copy of the" register " stored in the ASK AGAD foundation was published by A. A. Anya [Anya, 2008, pp. 245-261].

3 Ancestor of the famous Russian boyar family of Princes Suleshev.

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This position was shown in the course of his negotiations with A. F. Nagim. He advocated the "cession" of Astrakhan, and demanded that A. F. Nagy recognize the hereditary rights of the Mangyt clan there as beklerbeks of the Astrakhan khans. He was taken prisoner at Molodi in the summer of 1572. He died in the Russian state after 1576. In a letter sent in September 1576 with the envoy Ye. Rzhevsky, Grozny notified Devlet-Giray I that "Divey in the stomach did not become a year ago" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 341]. Of the sons, the most famous are Yesiney and Arslanay, who were married to the daughters of Khan Muhammad Giray II,

Akhmed-Aspat (Spat Thazritokov) "Prince of Cherkasy" (in the LM "Prince Sypat"). Head of the clan of the "Princes of Cherkassy in the Crimea". He is named the third in the list of "near tsarev's people" in the article list of A. F. Nagogo [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 10, l. 163ob.]. In the" register of references "of the Lithuanian ambassador, A. Vladyka is named the second royal "omyat", the third when listing all persons from among the Crimean nobility [Anya, 2008, p. 252; KPLM, part 1, p.316]. "Prince" Akhmed-Aspat of Cherkassy (Tkhazritokov) was the brother of Aisha-Fatma, the eldest khan's wife, the mother of Muhammad-Giray II and Adyl-Giray, and the son of Besleney tlekotlesh Tkhazritokov ("prince" Tarzytak) [Kusheva, 1963, p.201; Sokurov, 2011, p. 124-125].4 As a khan's brother-in-law, he had great influence in the divan. He corresponded with Ivan the Terrible [Vinogradov, 2007, part II, appendix 6, pp. 320-322]. He died in the early 1570s.

Mustafa-Murza, later "Prince" Mustafa. Alustapha Alurza (In the crown skarbov books) belonged to the Abaza clan of Cherkassy princes, but in the Russian embassy documentation he was never called "Prince of Cherkassy". In the Russian embassy documentation, it is noted that he was a cousin (in other cases native) brother of the "Cherkassy murzas" of Mustafa-aga and Murtoza-aga [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 239 and vol.]. Devlet Giray I enjoyed exceptional influence in the divan. In the" register of references "to the Lithuanian ambassador, A. Vladyka is named the first royal "homyan" and the second when listing all persons from among the Crimean nobility included in the" register " [Anya, 2008, p. 252; KPLM, ch. 1, p. 316]. His messengers in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had the highest status in receiving salaries. When the embassy of Azanxankhiz (c. 1568-1569) arrived, its representative was the second in the list of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-I sign 223 to 66]. When the embassy of Jan Ahmed Celebi arrived in 1573 , he was the first in the section of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-I sign 236 k 176]. In other lists of the same embassy, it is also first in the section from omiatis [AGAD ASK - I sign 238 to 133 ASK-I sign 241 to 113 v to 114 vk 116 to 125 v to 133 v]. In the list of the main messengers and ambassadors, his messenger is the sixth in a row after messengers from the khan and "princes" - sultans Girei [AGAD ASK-I sign 238 k 135]. Among the Khan's ambassadors and chief messengers, he was presented separately with "gifts" [AGAD ASK-I sign 236 k 177]. Around 1575, according to the Russian messenger Ivan Myasoedov, "prince" Mustafa left the Crimea to perform the Hajj to Mecca, from which, perhaps, he did not return [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 274ob.].

Mustafa-aga (in the LM Mistofa Okga, in the crown belongings books Alustapha Oga) is a representative of the clan related to the Abazy Cherkassk princes, who were called "Murzas of Cherkassk" in the Russian embassy documentation [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 6]. In the article list, A. F. Nagogo is named the second in the list of "tsarev's neighbors" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 10, l. 163ob.Shertoval together with Khan Devlet-Giray I on the Russian-Crimean "finishing" of 1564 [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 10, l. 315], brought the "shert book". He corresponded with Ivan the Terrible [Vinogradov, 2007, part II, appendix 6, pp. 320-322]. In the" register of mentions "of the Lithuanian ambassador, A. Vladyka is named the third royal "omyat", the fourth when listing all persons from among the Crimean nobility included in the" register " [Anya, 2008, p. 252; KPLM, ch. 1, p. 314]. In the crown collection books, Mustafa Aga's messengers have a rather high status in the last years of Devlet Giray's rule. At the arrival of the embassy of Azanxankhiz (1568-1569), his messenger is the fourth in the list of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-I sign 223 to 66]. Upon the arrival of the embassy of Can Ahmed celebi in 1573, his messenger is already the second in the list of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-I sign 236 k 176 ASK - I sign 241 k 113 v]. In the list of the main messengers and ambassadors of the same embassy, his messenger is the fifth in a row [ASK-I sign 238 to 135]. He was presented separately with "gifts" [ASK-I sign 236 to 177].

4 Ahmed Aspat and his brother Tatarmurzy Tazritokov (Tazritokov) were traditionally vassals (tlekotlesh) of the bssenssv pshi ("princes") Kanokov (Sokurov, 2011, p. 122) Tlekotlesh (tlakotlesh - a person of a strong family) is the second most important rank among the Kabardian nobility after pshi (prince). In the Russian embassy documentation, all of them were called "princes".

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Numerous letters of Mustafa Aga to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth are known. In June 1572, when Devlet Giray left Perekop for a campaign against the Russian state, Mustafa agha, like many other "close tsarev people", sent messages to the crown senators, in which he proposed to break the truce of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth with the Russian state [AGAD AKW Dz. tatarskie Karton 62 tecza 36 nr 612 (dated 11 June 1572); tecza 31 nr 607 (dated June 20, 1572)]. Retained its influence under Muhammad Giray II. Even in a message delivered in March 1566 by Bek Sulesh of Yashlav to Ivan the Terrible, it is noted that Mustafa agha is the atalyk of one of the younger sons of Kalga - Muhammad Giray "Azi Kirey Tsarevich" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 12, l. 112ob.].

Murtosa-aga is the brother of Mustafa-aga. In the article list of A. F. Nagy, it is mentioned that "the tsar favors Murtosa Mustofin's brother" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 10, l. 364]. Nevertheless, Murtoza-aga was promoted to the first place among the "close people of the tsar" only during the first reign of Gazi-Giray II.

Ak-Mohammed-oglan (Ahmed-ulan). In Russian historiography, Ak-Mukhammedoglan (Akhmed-ulan) was considered a representative of the Kazan nobility. A. A. Novoselsky believed that Akhmed-Ulan was the head of the Kazan emigration in the Crimea and represented its interests in the Khan's divan., 1948, p. 20]. I. V. Zaitsev proved that in this case we are talking about Ak-Mukhammedeoglan, an approximate of the Kazan Khan Safa-Giray, who arrived with him to Kazan from the Crimea [Zaitsev, 2013, p. 146]. The fact is that in the Russian embassy documentation and in the Cyrillic texts of the LM, this prominent representative of the political elite of the Crimea is written as " Magmet-Ulan "or" Ali Magmet-Ulan", and in the crown collection books in Old Polish as"Al-Magmet Ulan (Al Machmet Vlan)".

According to I. V. Zaitsev, during the siege of Kazan in 1550, it was Ak-Mukhammedoglan (Akhmed-Ulan) who defended one of the gates of the city. He probably did not participate in the defense of Kazan in 1552. Ak-Mohammad-oglan (Akhmed-ulan) probably fled Kazan in the summer of 1551 during the siege of the city by Moscow troops. Further, it was located at the Nogai murza Ismail [Ibid., pp. 147-148].

The Russian government repeatedly demanded his extradition, and Ak-Mohammad-oglan (Akhmed-ulan) returned to the Crimea at the very end of 1551 and took a prominent place at the court. When the Akkush-Ulan embassy arrived in the Polish-Lithuanian state in the mid-1550s, he was mentioned in the list of Crimean nobles who sent their messengers along with the embassy as Atalyk Adyl-Gireya [KPLM, part 1, N 97, p.153]. In the 1550s and 1560s, Ak-Mohammad-oglan (Ahmed-ulan) was repeatedly mentioned in various sources. In late 1558-early 1559, during the Moscow campaign, he commanded a separate detachment that was to attack Tula.

In the" register of references "of the Lithuanian Ambassador A. Vladyka (1568), he is named the fifth royal" gomyat", the sixth when listing all persons from among the Crimean nobility included in the" register " [Anya, 2008, p.252; KPLM, part 1, p. 317]. His messengers to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth traditionally had a high hierarchy when receiving salaries. Upon the arrival of the embassy of Azanxankhiz (1568-1569), his messenger is the third in the list of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-I sign 223 to 66]. Upon the arrival of Jan Ahmed Celebi's embassy in 1573, his messenger was again third in all the lists of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK - I sign 236 k 176 ASK-I sign 238 k 133 ASK-I sign 241 k 113 v k 114 v k 216 k 125 v k 133 v]. In the list of chief messengers and ambassadors, he is listed sixth after the Girei diplomatic representatives [AGAD ASK-I sign 238 k 135]. In a message delivered in March 1566 by Bey Sulesh of Yashlav to Ivan the Terrible, Ak-Mukhammad-oglan was named atalyk of the second son of Devlet-Giray I Adyl-Giray [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 12, l. 113].

Later, Russian intelligence noted that it was Ak-Mukhammad-oglan who insisted in the 1560s on Adyl-Giray occupying the throne of the restored Kazan Khanate in the event of the success of the anti-Moscow uprising there, which is reflected in the" question sheets " of the messenger Sevryuk Klavshov G. L. Skuratov-Belsky (Malyuta Skuratov) and the embassy clerk A. Ya. Shchelkalov. However, he later abandoned this idea

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due to the fact that "Kazan people are self-willed and dashing, there is no truth in them, and they cannot live under the tsar's (khan's) hand "[RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 14, l. 31-31ob.]. Here one clearly feels hostility to the" indigenous " Kazan culture. It is related to the events after the death of Safa-Giray Khan, whose subordinate he was.

Ak-Mohammad-oglan's hostility to Moscow was due, among other things, to personal reasons: Oglan's sons were living in the Moscow state at that time. At the same time, Bek Sulesh Yashlavsky in his message to Ivan the Terrible emphasized that the sons of oglan are imeldeshs ("foster brothers") Adyl-Gireya [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 13, l. 113]5. It is possible that they lived together with their mother, one of the wives of Ak-Mukhammed. I. V. Zaitsev, based on the materials of the Russian embassy documentation on relations with the Nogai Horde, believes that she was alive in 1555 [Zaitsev, 2013, p.149]. One of the sons was baptized and referred to in the Russian embassy documentation as "Prince Fyodor". Ak-Mohammad-oglan repeatedly asked Khan Devlet-Giray I to facilitate the release of his sons to the Crimea. Thus, at an audience with Tsarevich Ivan Ivanovich in Moscow on July 5, 1565, the khan's messenger Akinchey corrected the "petition" - to release the "Ak-Magmet children" to the Crimea [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 11, l. 348ob.]. After a successful Crimean campaign against the Russian state in the summer In 1571, the Khan demanded that Ivan the Terrible send the sons of Ak-Muhammad to the Crimea. At this time, it was only about "Prince Fyodor".

It is interesting that, taking an extremely hostile position towards the Russian state, Ak-Mohammed-oglan in 1571-1572 had constant contacts with Russian diplomats in the Crimea, connected with the release and exile of his son to the Crimea. This was achieved during the negotiations of Ivan the Terrible with the messenger Jan Muhammad in February 1572, on the eve of the invasion of Devlet Giray I in the Russian state [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 62-62ob.]. Ak-Mohammed-oglan personally conducted a lively correspondence on this issue with Ivan the Terrible [Vinogradov, 2007, vol. 11, appendix 5, p. 321].

Ak-Muhamed-oglan retained political influence in the Crimea until 1573, on the eve of a speech in the summer of 1572. Devlet-Giray I on a campaign against the Russian state, he, like all the leading Crimean nobles, sent a message from Perekop to the" bishops and panamanians of Poland " with a call to break the truce and resume the war with the Russian state. This epistle is dated June 17, 1572 [AGAD AKW Karton 65 teszka 34 nr 610]. After the defeat of the Crimeans at Molodi in 1572, the role of Ak-Muhammad-oglan in the links with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth increased. Important detail: when the Crimean embassy arrived in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in early 1573, only messengers from Mustafa murza, Mustafa aga and Ak-Muhammad oglan are listed in one of the lists of messengers from omiatis in the crown baggage books [AGAD ASK-I sign 241 to 133 v]. Nevertheless, after the arrival of this embassy, it was last mentioned in the Polish-Lithuanian embassy documentation.

After 1574, when a letter from Ivan the Terrible was sent to him for the last time [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 14, l. 116-118ob. dat. February 1574], Ak-Mohammed-oglan disappeared from the Russian embassy documentation. A land label given to him by Khan Muhammad-Giray II showed that he was still alive in the autumn of 1577 [Zaitsev, 2013, p. 153]. The son of Ak-Muhammad-oglan, Islam-oglan (formerly "Prince Fyodor"), appears in the Russian embassy documentation only in the autumn of 1593 in connection with participation in the Russian-Crimean embassy congress near Livni [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 21, l. 33, 76ob., 86].

In 1572-1574, changes took place in the composition of the "near tsarev's people": when the Karachay-bek of the Crimean Mangyts was captured in the summer of 1572; after 1571, the Karachay-bek of the Crimean Mangyts was captured.

5 For the latest article on the term "imeldesh" with an indication of previous literature, see [Dobrodomov, 2005, pp. 157-161].

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the Russian embassy documentation does not mention Bek Sulesh Yashlavsky, after 1574 - Ak-Mohammed-oglan, Ahmet-Aspat "Prince of Cherkassk" and Asia "Prince of Shirinsky".

By the time the Russian messenger Ivan Myasoedov arrived in the Crimea (September 1574), the composition of the "near duma", according to his reports, was as follows: bek Murad Yashlavsky ("Prince Suleshev's son"), bek Kasim ("prince Kulikov"), bek Murad-Kazy, bek Mustafa ("most pregnant of all") Murtosa-aga ("most pregnant of all") [RGADA, f. 123, on. 1, ed. hr. 14, l. 239 and vol.]. Thus, the Yashlavsky clan was represented in the divan by Sulesh's son Murad, and the clan of the" Kulikov princes " was probably represented by Ali's nephew Kasim. The Cherkassk Murz clan retained its position. Ivan Myasoedov recorded a split in the ruling elite in anticipation of the imminent demise of Devlet Giray 1. Muhamed-Giray's entourage included Musly Atalyk and Bey Sulesh "Perekopsky"; his brother, the next oldest son of the khan Adyl-Giri, was surrounded by Bey Murad's brother Sefer-murza Yashlavsky [ibid., l. 239-K.].

The envoy E. L. Rzhevsky, who arrived in the Crimea in the spring of 1577 on the eve of the death of Devlet Giray I, also stated the split of the ruling elite. At the beginning of 1577, a part of the nobility appealed to the Port to protest against the dominance of the "Cherkassk murkh" clan in the divan, which leads to repression. Among others, Bek Murad's brother Qasim was killed. However, Murad Yashlavsky retained control over the Moscow direction of Crimea's foreign policy. On the eve of the era of the "great quarrel in the Crimean Yurt" that followed the death of Devlet Giray II, Moscow considered Murad Yashlavsky, Mustafa-aga, Murtosa-aga and Bek Asia Shirinsky to be the key figures of the khan's divan. In this sequence, these persons were instructed to "make a bow from the tsar and the Grand Duke" to the envoy E. L. Rzhevsky [ibid., l. 332-332ob.].

Reign of Khan Muhammad Giray II (1577-1584)

The original composition of the new khan's "close royal people" is recorded in the Russian embassy documentation based on the reports of the envoy E. L. Rzhevsky (1577-1578) and the ambassador Prince V. V. Masalsky (1578-1582). Before the beginning of the "Persian campaigns" in 1578-1579, the" near people of the tsars " from the divan of Devlet Giray I included Bey of Asia Shirinsky Mustafa agha, Murtoza agha and Bey Murad Yashlavsky. From the new faces appeared Derbysh atalyk - bek Derbysh "Kulyukov", who gradually pushed aside his brother Bek Kasim, and Musly Atalyk, who became the de facto head of the khan's administration.

6 Musly-atalyk B. Ahmed atalyk. Musly Atalyk was the hereditary atalyk tutor of Kalga Muhammad Giray, succeeding in the second half of the 1560s to his father Ahmed Atalyk. In the" register of references "of the ambassador A. Vladyka (1568), he is listed as the forty-first in the list of the Crimean nobility, and "references" are sent to him "in the place of his father Okhmet-atalyk" [KPLM, part 1, p. 319]. In the crown collection books, it is noted that "references" are sent to "Aluslia Otaliku Golegmu na mieisczu Oycza iego Ochmeth Otaliku" [Anya, 2008, p. 257]. A little earlier, it appears in the Russian embassy documentation. In March 1566, a message from Musly-atalyk was delivered to Tsarevich Ivan Ivanovich in Moscow, in which he positioned himself as the head of the administration of Kalga Muhammad-Giray [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 12, l. 120-120ob.]

Musly-atalyk was promoted to the first roles in the early 1570s. By the end of the reign of Devlet Giray I, he was indeed the main figure in the entourage of his son Kalga Muhammad Giray. This is noted in the article list of the messenger Ivan Myasoedov (1574) [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, sd. hr. 14, l. 239-k]. The figure of Musly-Atalyk simultaneously comes to the fore in the diplomatic relations of the Crimea with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Upon the arrival of the embassy of Jan Ahmed celebi in 1573, his representative is the seventh in the section of messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-1 sign 236 k 176].

6 The author discusses his biography in more detail in a joint article with A.V. Belyakov "The Case of Musly Atalyk". On the history of the military-political confrontation between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Russian State and the Porte during the dynastic crisis in the Crimea in 1584-1588" [Belyakov, Vinogradov, 2014, pp. 51-62].

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In another list of the same embassy, he is again seventh in the list of all messengers from omiatis [AGAD ASK-I sign. 238 k. 133].

Upon the arrival of the ambassador "Zacharias" (1573), his representative is the sixty-sixth in the list of all messengers and ambassadors [AGAD ASK-I sign. 238 k. 126], but the sixteenth (last) in a special painting for receiving gifts to messengers from Girei and nobles [AGAD ASK-I sign 238 k.128]. Upon the arrival of the embassy of Jantemir aga (1576) , his representative is the eleventh in the section of messengers from caracus (synonym for " near tsarev's people in the crown belongings books) [AGAD ASK-1 sign 251 k. 317]. In the same year, 1576, Kalga Muhammad-Giray in a message to Ivan the Terrible specifically noted, "that I have a good man Muslu atalyk, and I have few such good people, but the tsar's majesty listens to the word free man, and even yaz" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 314].

After the accession of Muhammad Giray II, Musly Atalyk became an important figure and father-in-law of Bey Derbysh Kulyukov, the head of one of the most prominent Crimean families. Musla Atalyk's position has acquired the features of a "first minister".

He himself wrote to Ivan the Terrible in Moscow that after Muhammad Giray "became king, Musly Atalyk still left me as he was under King Devlet Kiray" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 15, l. 95]. Musly Atalyk positioned himself as a key figure in Crimean politics in a message to Stefan Batory, sent by him among other "close tsarevich people" in February 1578 [AGAD AKW Dz tatarskie Karton 62 tecza 118 nr. 694].

The important role of Musla Atalyk during this period is repeatedly confirmed in the Russian embassy documentation. The envoy E. R. Rzhevsky, when listing the "close people" of the new khan in the summer of 1577, put him in second place after the " prince "(bek) Aley Shirinsky [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 15, l. 25]. In 1577-1578. Musly Atalyk was an indispensable participant in all negotiations with Russian diplomats in Crimea, and clearly sought to oust Bey Murad Yashlavsky.

The Kulyukovs. Kasim b Pashay, Derbysh b. Pashay. The head of the Kulyukov family by 1574 was Prince Kasim, the son of Pashay-murza, probably the nephew of Ali Asi. His brother Derbysh by this time had long been part of the entourage of Kalga Muhammad-Giray. The message of Bey Sulesh of Yashlav to Ivan the Terrible, delivered in March 1566, contained a rather impressive list of atalyks of the "princes of Giray" - sons and grandsons of Khan Devlet-Giray I, who claimed to receive "commemorations". "Derbysh-atalyk Ibrahim Pashin's son" is named in it as the closest "most loyal person" of Kalgi Muhammad-Giray and atalyk of his eldest son Seadet-Giray [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 12, l. 112ob.]. When sending the embassy of A. Vladyka in the "register of references""Derbish Murza Otalik " (Derbisz murza Otalik) is the forty-second in the list of representatives of the Crimean nobility included in the register [Anya, 2008, p. 257; KPLM, part 1, p.319].

Under Muhammad Giray II, the first signs of the growing influence of the "Kulik princes" on the course of Russian-Crimean diplomatic relations appear. In October 1577, Kasym, the" Prince of Kulikov", was among the" closest people of the tsars " who negotiated with Ye. Rzhevsky [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 15, l. 12ob. -13]. The Kulikovs tried to establish stable political ties with Moscow. However, before the Crimean "great quarrel" of the 1580s, they were not particularly favored there. When listing messengers from the Crimean nobles who needed to be delivered to Moscow in November 1577, the messenger of Kasim Derbysh's brother was only in eighth place. At this time, Derbysh was no longer inferior in influence to his brother. In 1577-1579, in the Russian embassy documentation, he appears as "Derbysh-Atalyk" or "Prince of Derbysh-Atalyk". Since 1584 - only as "Derbysh Prince Kulikov". The absence of the rank of atalyk is probably connected with the real or imaginary refusal of Derbysh to support his pupil Seadet Giray after the death of his father Muhammad Giray II in the spring of 1584.

"Prince Derbysh Kulikov" - Dyrbysh-Atalyk moved to the first places among the "tsar's close people" under the new khan Muhammad Giray II immediately after his accession. Already in July 1577, he was sent to Istanbul to inform the Port about the khan's establishment "on the Crimean yurt" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 15, l. 43ob.]. "Prince" Derbysh was fifth in the list of "speeches" to the "near tsarev" people in the "order" sent in the summer of 1578 to the ambassador of Prince V. V. Masalsky, immediately after Murad "Suleshev" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 15, l. 209-209ob.Murad Yashlavsky, respectively, was the fourth in a row [Ibid., p. 208]. In the future, Derbysh almost constantly "coexisted" in the Russian embassy documentation with the Yashlavsky-Sulsshevs. Other recipients of the "speeches" were Alexander Shirinsky (the first in the list), Mustafa-agha (the second), Musly-atalyk (the third) and Murtoza-agha (the sixth).

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Thus, the key figures among the "close royal people" in the Embassy Order were Asia Shirinsky, who was related to the khan, Musly-Atalyk, the de facto "first minister", and representatives of the "Murz Cherkassky", Yashlavsky and "Kulikov"clans that have dominated the divan since the time of Devlet Giray I.

The information in the crown collection books relating to the negotiations between King Stefan Batory and the embassy of Ibrahim Bielecki (a Polish - Lithuanian nobleman who converted to Islam) in the summer of 1578 paints a picture almost analogous to the reports of Russian diplomats-the dominance of Musly-atalyk and Mustafa-aga. They rank first and second when omiatis messengers are listed in the payrolls lists. The fifth in the list is a messenger from Murtoza-aga, the sixth from bek Derbysh [AGAD ASK-III sign 3 k. 92].

After 1578, there were changes in the composition of the "near tsar's people". The "Prince of Asia Shirinsky" passed away. New faces appeared in the divan, but Musly-atalyk's position was strengthened. Sent at the turn of 1579-1580 to the Crimea, the messenger Ivan Elizarov was supposed to " rule from the tsar and the Grand Duke to bow to Murat the prince, Musly-atalyk, his brother Aza Astana, Mustafa-aga, Dervish the prince, Yamgurchey Issa-murza, Isseney-Murza and ask for health, letters of tribute and salary to show according to the state list.""[RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, 1579, ed. chr. 2, l. 25]. During this period, Musly-atalyk actively promoted his brother Aza Asan to the post of ambassador in Moscow. However, Murad Yashlavsky managed to maintain control over the Moscow direction of Crimean foreign policy. In 1582, one of his brothers, Araslan-murza, who was sent there in 1578, returned from Moscow during the implementation of the embassy exchange, and another brother, Yanshi - murza, went to Moscow as an ambassador. The embassy exchange on the Sejm River was again conducted by Bek Murad Yashlavsky himself, as in 1578. Araslan and Murad returned safely to the Crimea, but the Russian embassy of Prince M. F. Baryatinsky, moving along with the Crimeans, was "destroyed"by the Dnieper Cossacks ("Circassians"). This circumstance seriously undermined the position of the Yashlavsky clan in Moscow.

Since 1579, the split of the ruling elite began, which took open forms in 1581, after the flight of the Khan brothers Selamet-Giray and Alp-Giray from the Crimea to the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Divey's sons Yesiney and Arslanay, who were in opposition to Muhammad Giray II, went over to the khan's side, securing this by marrying his daughters. The influence of Bek Derbysh "Kulikov" and the nephew of Khan bek Kutlu-Giray Shirinsky, the son of Bek Asia, grew. However, the "backbone of the sofa" remained unchanged. When distributing salaries to Crimean messengers who arrived in the spring of 1582 to King Stefan Batory in Riga as part of the Crimean embassy of Anton " Cherkashenin "(a native of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) demanding the extradition of khan's brothers, Musla Atalyk's messenger is listed as the second in the list of messengers from omiatis, and Mustafa-aga's messenger is the fourth [AGAD ASK-II sign 14 k 75, 82].

The events of 1583-1584, connected with the open confrontation between Muhammad Giray II and the Porte, which ended with his removal from the throne and death, led to the final split of the elite, the consequences of which were not overcome until the end of the 1580s. After the death of Muhammad Giray II, his sons fled the Crimea. Yesiney and Arslanay "Diveyevs" and their sons and Sulesh "Perekopsky"left together with them. Musly-atalik ended up in Istanbul, and it is unclear whether he fled there after the death of Mohammed Giray II or was sent by him to negotiate with the Port. In any case, in the future, the sons of Muhammad Giray II accused him of treason to the khan.

Most of the nobility remained in the Crimea (including Beki Kasim and Derbysh Kulikovs) and recognized the power of the Khan Islam-Giray II, who was appointed by the Port, but not for long.

Reign of Khan Islam-Giray II (1584-1588)

According to Russian and Polish-Lithuanian sources, the original composition of the divan of Islam-Giray II after its establishment in the Crimea is unknown. There is no doubt that many of its members defected in the summer of 1584 to the side of the sons of Muhammad Giray II.

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According to the reports of the Russian messenger I. G. Sudakov-Myasny, who arrived in the Crimea in late autumn in 1584, the key figures among the "near tsarev's people" of Islam-Giray II are identified.

Murad Yashlavsky, the bek, was still part of the" near tsar's people", who negotiated with Sudakov-Myasny during the entire stay in the Crimea (December 1584-June 1585). Other key figures of the Divan of Muhammad Giray II either left the Crimea, stayed in Istanbul, like Musly-atalyk, or lost influence, like Murtoza-aga. The latter, like Derbysh Kulikov, was included in the list of those "near tsarev's people" whose salaries, brought by a Russian messenger, are withdrawn in favor of the khan [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 16, l. 7ob.]. The Russian messenger drew attention to the appearance of many new faces among the "neighbors of the tsar's people", as a result of the betrayal of a large part of the nobility. Together with Murad Yashlavsky, Zhentimir-aga from the Cherkassy Murz clan, Ell'ash duvan, a close associate of Kalgi Alp-Giray, Koshteke duvan, Ozinsan duvan, and finally Ismail imeldesh, apparently the khan's foster brother, negotiated with him [Ibid., l. 6-6ob., 9, 13, 21, 22]. Of these individuals, only Zentimir "Cherkashenin", a relative of the "prince" Mustafa, whom he accompanied to Mecca in 1574-1575, was previously known in Moscow, except for Murad Yashlavsky [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 14, l. 274ob.]. However, the real influence in the Khan's divan, according to the Russian messenger, was Karacha-bek Shirinov Aley. In January 1585, I. G. Sudakov-Myasnoy noted in his verst list that "Prince Aley is a close friend of the tsar" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 16, l. 13ob.]. In the reports to Moscow of the Astrakhan voivode of Prince F. M. Lobanov-Rostovsky in 1586, he also appears as the most influential person "under the tsar" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 1, l. 4].

However, already in 1585, the return of part of the emigrated nobility to the Crimea began. First bek Kasim Kulyukov returned, then his brother Derbysh. In the autumn of 1586, Astrakhan voivodes reporting to Moscow on the situation in the Crimea noted that one of Tsarevich Murad-Giray's men who arrived in Astrakhan "said about the prince's Dervish that he himself was in the Crimea with the tsar" [ibid., l. 7]. In the reports of the Astrakhan voivode Prince F. M. Lobanov-Rostovsky, the return of" prince "Derbysh to the ranks of" tsarev's close people " is clearly recorded in November 1586. In the general list of "close tsarev's people" given by the Astrakhan voivode, "prince" Derbysh is in third place after his brother "Prince" Kasim and " Prince"Azey Shirinsky before Murad - "Prince Suleshev" [ibid., l. 22].

During his repeated stay in the Crimea from the spring of 1587 until the accession of Gazi-Giray II in the spring of 1588, Sudakov-Myasnoy showed a slightly different picture in his verst list. Negotiations with him were still conducted by Bek Murad Yashlavsky. Other almost constant participants in the negotiations were Zhentimir-aga, Karachay-bek Shirinov Aley, and Derbysh "Kulikov" bek who returned to the Crimea [ITUAK, No. 14, pp. 54-57, 65]. The latter's participation in negotiations with the messenger is particularly interesting: during the day, he negotiated on behalf of the khan," in the night "visited the messenger and asked him for a "dangerous letter" to escape from the Crimea to Murad Giray. At the same time, Bek Derbysh informed the Russian messenger that a plot was being prepared against the Khan with his active participation. Sudakov-Myasnoy was wary of all this. Meanwhile, the duplicity of Derbysh "Kulikov" is also noted in the reports to Moscow of the Astrakhan voivodes already in the autumn of 1586: "... the son of evo fled to the tsar to Saadet-Kirei with twenty people, and the Dervish prince himself wants to run to Kazy-Girei tsarevich, but is afraid of killing the tsar from Islam-Girei " [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 1, l. 7]. In the end, the plot was discovered, and the "Prince Dervish" together with Zentimir agha fled to Istanbul to join Gazi Giray, who arrived there after escaping from Persian captivity. There is reason to believe that this is where the plot threads were drawn. The fate of Kasim Kulyukov is unknown until the accession of Gazi Giray II.

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In general, in the last months of his reign, until the mysterious sudden death in a campaign against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the spring of 1588, Islam-Giray II had only Murad Yashlavsky and Aley Shirinsky as major figures in the divan. This is not an accident. Most of the nobility were in exile, forming three "hotbeds" of emigration - in Istanbul with Gazi Giray, in Astrakhan with Murad Giray, and part of his entourage almost constantly lived in Moscow, and finally with Safa Giray, staying with him "at the Zhzhanevsky Cherkas" and in " Kazyevy ulus".

Khan "in exile". Seadet Giray II and his brothers Murad Giray and Safa Giray (1584-1588)

If Gazi-Giray's entourage in Istanbul was formed gradually and was relatively small (three key figures Mollakai-Alley Atalyk, Bek Derbysh "Kulikov" and Zentimir-aga, who arrived with him in the Crimea in the spring of 1588 on the same ship), then the whole flower of the Crimean nobility turned out to be surrounded by the sons of Muhammad-Giray II. Most of them were people who contributed to the success of the invasion of the" tsarevichs " in the Crimea in the spring of 1584 and did not count on the leniency of Islam Giray II. According to the Russian messenger I. Sudakov-Myasny, who arrived in the Crimea at the end of 1584, " many Crimean people changed Islam-Girey the tsar, and from whom the tsar did not expect treason in his fellow people, and they changed everything Derbysh prince, Ibraim Pashyn son, Kasym Prince Kulikov, Sulesh Prince Perekopsky, Tin Pasha Murza Shirinsky, Asia Prince Shirinsky two sons, Koshum Murza Seferev son, Murat Prince nephew, and many princes and murzas changed and princes were exiled " [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 16, l. 2]. The list of those who changed Islam-Gireya II-is impressive: three representatives of the Shirin family, two - "Kulikov", one - Yashlavsky-"Suleshev".

The expulsion of the rebels from the Crimea by the Ottoman troops and the forces of the brothers Islam-Giray II Alp-Giray and Selamet-Giray was accompanied by reprisals against the "traitors" from among the Crimean nobility who fell into their hands. Among other things, the "princes of Kulikovo" suffered losses: during the withdrawal of "tsarevich Yansha Murza Derbyshev, the prince's son Zhiv was taken and hanged Evo in Perekop" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 17, l. 3]. However, most of the famous rebels managed to survive and get out of the Crimea safely. Then their paths diverged. Some of them almost immediately returned to the Crimea, while others stayed with the "tsar" Seadet Giray and his brothers.

Already in the spring of 1585. Seadet Giray, Murad Giray and Safa Giray split up. Their entourage formed two groups of emigrated nobles.

Those who followed Seadet Giray and Murad Giray eventually found themselves on the territory of the Russian State and formed the "backbone" of Murad Giray's future "court" in Astrakhan (from October 1586 to spring 1591). In Seadet Giray's and Murad Giray's entourage, Derbyshe was initially most prominent "Kulikov " with his sons and Koshum-murza Yashlavsky. However, the" prince " Derbysh left one son, Pashai-murza, with the "princes" in 1586, and returned to the Crimea with the rest. However, soon his other son, Yakul-Radvan, who was staying in Astrakhan, fled the Crimea. Pashay-murza was in Moscow.

He did not return to Crimea 7. Around 1591, on the initiative of B. F. Godunov, the daughter of the Astrakhan tsarevich Abdulla was married to him. The son from this marriage, Ablay-Murza, was baptized under the name of Boris. Thus, the Russian noble family of the Kulikov princes descends from Pashay-murza [Belyakov, 2011, pp. 85-86, 98-99; Belyakov and Vinogradov, 2013, pp. 54-66].

The greatest role under Seadet Giray and Murad Giray was played by Koshum-murza Yashlavsky. In March 1585, his uncle Murad Yashlavsky himself reported to the Russian messenger I. Sudakov-Myasny: "And the princes sent my nephew Koshum-murza Seferev's son

7 Finally, the question of his return was "closed" in October 1593. on the eve of the Congress of the embassy near Livni.

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to your sovereign to Moscow " [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 16, l. 18ob. -19]. This information is confirmed by the preserved Russian embassy documentation on relations with the Greater and Lesser Nogai hordes. There Koshum-murza repeatedly appears as an ambassador of the" tsar " Seadet-Giray to Moscow [RGADA, f. 127, op. 1, ed. chr. 6, l. 1]. He was definitely there in the winter of 1585-1586, along with messengers from Arslanai "Diveyev", Kan-murza" Kazyev "(son of Gaziev) and other murzas of"Kazyevy ulus". In the future, he constantly moved from Moscow to Astrakhan to Murad Giray and back. At the same time, Koshum-murza actively "referred" with his uncle Murad Yashlavsky, informing him about Murad-Giray's plans to invade the Crimea [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 16, l. 134].

Among other persons, Mamai-murza, who was in Moscow in 1587-1589, is known, as a permanent representative of Murad-Giray, who was sent in 1589 as his emissary to the Crimea and returned safely to Moscow. Yamgurchey atalyk, who returned to the Crimea in the spring of 1591 and played the role of "first minister"in Astrakhan under Murad Giray, took a prominent place in the immediate entourage of Khan Gazi-Giray II (but not as part of his divan). Later, Yamgurchey atalyk was sent to Moscow twice as a personal emissary of the Khan to B. F. Godunov, together with official Crimean messengers [Vinogradov, 2014, pp. 22-31, 44-49].

The second, no less numerous group of emigrated nobility was represented by the entourage of Safa Giray, which included, first of all, the entire Diveyev clan, Beki Kutlu-Giray Shirinsky, Sulesh "Perekopsky" and other famous murzas. For more than three years, they "Cossacks" in the immediate vicinity of the Crimea. The main role among them was played by the Diveyevs, who had significant human resources. The sons of Divey clearly demonstrated their capabilities during the events of 1584.

The verst list of the messenger I. Sudakov-Myasny, who arrived in the Crimea at the end of 1584, and the article list of the ambassador to Turkey B. Blagovo, who was in the Cafe in 1585, contain impressive details of the invasion of the "Diveyevs" in the Crimea [RGADA, f. 123, ed. chr. 16, l. 2-3; f. 89, ed. chr. 2, l. 303-304]. The total number of Nogai militias they cited reaches 15 thousand [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 16, l. 2]. These hordes have invaded the peninsula. Bakhchisarai was taken, and the "king" Seadet-Giray established himself "in his father's yurt". However, the success of the Diveyevs was ephemeral. The tough position of the Porte, which supported Islam Giray II by detachments of janissaries, led to the defeat of the rebels, who were defeated under the walls of Kafa. The sons of Muhammad Giray II hastily retreated from the Crimea. They were pursued by Alp-Giray and Selamet-Giray, who caught up with them at Boly-Sarai, the fortified "capital" of the Diveyev ulus. According to I. Sudakov-Myasny, Yesiney was killed in the battle that took place. He may have been taken alive and then executed. In any case, Kalga Alp-Giray, receiving a Russian messenger on December 28, 1584, joyfully told him that "Yesieniei Prince Diveyev and many murz Nogai were beaten and their heads were impaled" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 16, l. 5ob.]. The fact of the death of Eseney is noted in a special firman of the Port, "the imperial message to the Nogai beys", addressed to the beys of the "Circassian tribe of Zhane", which was published by A. Benningsen and S. Lemercier-Kelkezh: "Eseney Bey, who was the cause of the Nogai beys and mirzas and other well-known leaders were cut down with sabers on the battlefield" [Eastern Europe, p. 251].

For the subsequent development of events, the massacre of Yesiney was of great importance: Alp-Giray and Selamet-Giray became blood enemies of the Mansurov clan. It is significant that after Arslanai's return to the Crimea with Safa-Giray, when the massacre of the participants of the counter-coup of 1584 began, Selamet-Giray, who had escaped to Kafu, frankly explained the reasons for his flight: "Safa-Kirei Tsarevich and Arslanai murza and many other murzas came to the tsar" (Khan Gazi-Giray II), and we killed Safa-Kirei Tsarevich's father, and Arslanai Murza's brother Yesinei the prince was killed" [ITUAK, N 14, p. 77]. Yesiney's son Kasym-murza managed to survive. Arslanai-murza, along with his sons and nephew, joined Murad-Giray after wandering in the Nogai mountains.-

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piakh was near Astrakhan. He was definitely there with Seadet Giray in the autumn of 1585 [RGADA, f. 127, op. 1, 1586, d. 2, l. 3,6].

The events of 1584 once again showed that the main strength of the "Diveyevs" was precisely in their inexhaustible human resources. E. Rzhevsky did not accidentally write to Ivan the Terrible: "And the Azov people constantly live with them and from the Kazyevsky ulus" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 15, l. 168.After being expelled from the Crimea, Arslanai "attacked" together with the" princes", accompanied by the" Nagai mirzas of Diveyev ulus", and, apparently, with considerable forces [RGADA, f. 127, on. 1, ed. chr.2, l. 6]. He had a stable base both in his ulus and in"Kazyevy".

Islam-Giray II, who was well aware of the danger of Arslanai's presence in the immediate vicinity of the Crimea, repeatedly made attempts to reconcile with him. In the spring of 1585, Arslanai, together with a large group of Nogai murzas from the Small Horde "and from all the Murzas who lived in Kalmiyus", i.e. his own ulus, was supposed to arrive in Azov and bring "shert" to the khan [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr.16, l. 22ob.It was planned to recognize it as the Karachi-bek of Mangyts. However, Arslanai ultimately chose to participate in Murad Giray's attempt to establish his own "yurt" in Astrakhan under the Russian protectorate. In this regard, the son of Divey for many years was in the field of view of the Russian government. He is repeatedly mentioned in the" instructions "to Russian diplomats in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as an influential figure in Moscow's "steppe policy".

Initially, in Moscow, good feelings for the "Diveyevs" were not experienced. It is symbolic that in December 1584, the messenger Ivan Sudakov-Myasnoy, in response to Kalga Alp-Giray's story about the massacre of Yesinei, recalled that "Yesinei's father Divey, prince of the sovereign of our father the tsar and Grand Duke Ivan Vasilyevich, quarreled with your (tsar's) father Devlet-Kirei" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. xr. 18, l. 5ob.]. Nevertheless, soon another "Diveyev's son" in Moscow began to be treated quite differently. In the winter of 1585/1586, together with messages from the three Gireys, a message from Arslanai "Diveyev" to Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich was delivered to Moscow with his son boyar Leontiy Polev. It has not been preserved, but there is an answer-a letter from Fyodor Ivanovich to "Araslan Mirza Diveyev, the prince's son" [RGADA, f. 127, op. 1, ed. hr. 3, l. 10]. The document is dated January 1586. The Moscow government, through the mouth of the sovereign, actually recognized Arslanai " Diveyev "as the central figure in the" Kazy Ulus", called not to participate in attacks on Moscow's" Ukraines", not to" molest ""enemies". Arslanai was promised a "great salary" with a "good boyar" in case he brought the sherty of the Moscow sovereign. Moscow promised to keep the Cossacks from causing "insults" to the ulus controlled by Arslanai. In fact, Moscow assumed that Arslanai would be the main support of Murad Giray on the" Crimean side " of the Volga. After the establishment of Murad Giray in Astrakhan in the autumn of 1586, Moscow began insistently demanding the arrival of Arslanai there. "Tsarevich" informed his son-in-law about this request in a number of messages, some of which were sent to Moscow [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr.1, l. 46]. Murad-Giray promised his son-in-law the position of beklarbek in Astrakhan.

However, Arslanai did not live up to the expectations of the Moscow government. He refused to stay in Astrakhan under Murad Giray, which was primarily due to his unwillingness to accompany the "tsarevich" to Moscow if necessary. True, in November 1586, his son Sulesh and his nephew, Yesinei's son, Kasym, arrived in Astrakhan. There they "made a shert and a company" of Murad Giray, as they informed the Sovereign Fyodor Ivanovich in their messages sent to Moscow [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 1, l. 83]. However, they brought shert not specifically to Murad-Giray, but to the legitimate "king" Seadet-Giray. "And we want to fight with our sovereign, with Saadet-Kirei the tsar, and with Murad-Kirei tsarevich and Safa-Kirei tsarevich Islam-Girei," the younger Diveyevs wrote to Moscow [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, 1586, ed. chr. 1, l. 83]. Soon the Diveyevs left Astrakhan and did not appear there again.

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Immediately after the accession of Gazi Giray II, Arslanai returned to the Crimea, which was clearly dictated by his distrust of the prospects of creating a beklerbekstvo in Astrakhan under the Khan Murad Giray, who was dependent on Moscow. There is reason to believe that Arslanai's sentiments were shared by Safa Giray, who was clearly in "exile" with his uncle Ghazi Giray. Much more attractive was the possibility of restoring one's own ulus and regaining a leading position in the Crimean political elite.

In May 1588, Safa-Giray, at the head of the Nogai militias, entered the Crimea. He was accompanied by Arslanai "Diveev" with his sons and nephew, beki Kutlu-Giray Shirinsky, Sulesh "Perekopsky" and "many Nogai murzas" [ITUAK, N 14, p. 74]. Gazi-Giray II considered it necessary to inform about this in his first message to B. F. Godunov, sent in the summer of 1588: "... our nephew Safa-Kirey tsarevich and our karacha Arslanay murza, and the prince's son Kutlu-Giray in the heads of the Shirinsky eternal memory of the Azeevs, and all the Nagai murzs came to us and committed suicide. us in servitude and now in our will" [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 18, l. 4]. The Khan, for obvious reasons, did not report on the massacre in Bakhchisarai that followed the return of the famous exiles. Their massacre of the remaining supporters of Khan Islam-Giray II in Crimea largely determined the balance of power in the ruling elite of Crimea during the first reign of Gazi-Giray II.

First reign of Ghazi-Giray II Khan (1588-1596)

The sudden death of Khan Islam-Giray II led to serious changes in the composition of the political elite of the Crimea. As already mentioned, after the appointment of Gazi Giray Khan by Porta, the main figures of his entourage arrived with him from Istanbul: Mollakai Alley Atalyk, Zentimir agha and Bek Derbysh "Kulikov", who formed the" backbone " of his sofa. In May 1588, prominent emigrants from Safa Giray's entourage-beki Arslanay "Diveev", Kutlu Giray Shirinsky and Sulesh "Perekopsky" - returned to the divan. Only a small part of the "close people" of Islam-Giray II retained their positions in the Divan. First of all, this is Bek Murad Yashlavsky, who stubbornly defended his right to control the Moscow direction of Crimea's foreign policy in the fight against Mollakai Alley Atalyk [Vinogradov, 2010, pp. 408-409].

The main figures among the "near tsar's people" on the basis of reports of the messenger Ivan Sudakov-Myasny, who returned in the summer of 1588, in the Embassy Order were considered Mollakaya Alley Atalyk, beks Kutlu-Giray Shirinsky, Arslanay "Diveyev", Murad Yashlavsky and Derbysh"Kulikov". These five persons were instructed to "make a bow" to the messengers Ivan Mishurin in October 1588, Peter Zinoviev in March 1589, and Ivan Gryaznov in November 1589 [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 17, l. 124, 213-213ob., 436]. All of them also sent messages to Tsar Fyodor Ivanovich, received answers on his behalf, and were in varying degrees of correspondence with B. F. Godunov. Their messengers received advantages in the distribution of "salary" and "feed" in Moscow. These same persons had preferences when distributing "salaries". So, in the list of "salaries" distributed in January 1589 by the messenger I. Mishurin, twenty-three representatives of the Crimean nobility are listed [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. hr. 17, l. 322ob-324ob.], but the first three places are occupied by Mollakai Alley atalyk, beki Murat Yashlavsky and Derbysh Kulikov [ibid., l. 322ob.Meanwhile, in the list of "salaries" sent by the same messenger on behalf of B. F. Godunov, only three of these persons are noted [ibid., l. 324ob.].

At the same time, there were signs of the return to the first echelon of the "near tsarevich people" - representatives of the Cherkassy Murz clan in the person of Murtoza-aga. In November 1589, upon the arrival of Crimean messengers led by Allash Bogatyr, the messenger Murtoza-aga completed the list of messengers who received it under the "middle" 3rd article (the nineteenth in the list after the messengers Mollakaya Alley Atalyk, beks Kutlu-Giray Shirinsky, Murad Yashlavsky and Derbysh Kulikov). [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 17, l. 396]. Since 1590, Murtoza-aga's letters addressed to the sovereign and addressed to B. F. Godunov began to be re-entered in the Crimean embassy books.

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After the failure of the Crimean campaign against Moscow in the summer of 1591, there were changes among the "near tsar's people". With the death of Safa Giray in the autumn of 1591, the positions of Kutlu Giray of Shirinsky and Sulesh "Perekopsky" gradually weakened. Back in early 1591, Murad Yashlavsky died outside the Crimea, in the area of "Molochnye Vody", to prepare for a possible embassy exchange with Moscow. The Yashlavsky clan was headed by his brother Akhmed-pasha-Murza, who entered the next round of struggle for "amiacy" in relations with Moscow with Derbysh Kulikov [Vinogradov, 2006, pp. 66-70]. Mollakai Alley Atalyk retained its positions. However, already in the autumn of 1591, the Russian messenger I. Bibikov stated in his list of articles that due to his illness, he became "unreasonable" [RGADA, f. 123, on. 1, ed. chr. 19, l. 106]. Mollakai Alley probably died in early 1592.

Approximately from 1592, the steady restoration of the positions of the "Cherkasy murz" began. Murtosa-aga returned to the sofa. Messenger M. Protasyev in April 1592 stated the strengthening of its influence [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 20, l. 279].]. During the stay of the embassy of Prince M. A. Shcherbatov in the Crimea from 1584 to 1585, Murtoza-aga conducted the main negotiations with him together with Ahmed Pasha Yashlavsky. In the spring of 1595, the Russian messenger A. Akinfov received information that "Murtaza Agha died a natural death in Mozhary" (RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 21, l. 448). Murtoza-aga left a son, Ali-Murza, who took a prominent place among the "tsar's neighbors". In the spring of 1595, the Khan sent him on a responsible mission to the sultan "to ask for the treasury and military men" for a future campaign in Hungary [Ibid., l. 461].

At the same time, after 1591, the nomination of new persons began. Ahmed agha was gaining more and more weight. Already at the departure of the envoy Semyon Bezobrazov (1593), in the "order" given to him, it is prescribed to establish "special relations" with the following "close royal people" - Ahmed Pasha Yashlavsky, Derbysh Kulyukov, Ahmed-aga and Murtoza-aga [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 19, l. 417ob.].

In the list of messengers from omiatis in the crown baggage books, when the Crimean embassy arrived in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1592, the first is the messenger from Mollakaya Alley (Melki) atalyk, the second-from Ahmed-aga [AGAD ASK-II sign 14 to 158]. During the stay of the embassy of Prince M. A. Shcherbatov, who arrived in the Crimea at the end of 1593, Akhmed-aga clearly occupied the place of the deceased Mollakaya Alley Atalyk.

A further change in the composition of the" near tsar's people " occurred during the campaigns of Gazi Giray II in Central Europe in 1594-1596. During this period, Arslanai "Diveev", Murtosa-aga and Derbysh "Kulikov" died. In the list of "tsar's neighbors", presented in the verst list of A. Akinfov (1595), the first place is occupied by Ahmed agha, followed by the "treasurer" Abdel Aziz celebi and Ahmed Pasha Yashlavsky [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, ed. chr. 21, l. 46ob.] There is a deep struggle between these individuals for control over the conduct of relations with Moscow.

The dynastic crisis of 1596-1597 led to new large-scale changes in the political elite of the Crimean Khanate. Nevertheless, the positions of the main figures in the Divan remained unchanged, and with the re-accession of Gazi Giray II in 1597, until the beginning of the XVII century, the Moscow direction of the foreign policy of the Crimea remained in the hands of the former figures from among the "tsarevich's close people" - Ahmed Pasha Yashlavsky, Ahmed Aga and Abdul Aziz Celebi. Gazi-Giray II himself announced to the Russian ambassadors who arrived in the Crimea in 1603, Prince F. P. Baryatinsky and deacon D. Bolkhin, "under our father Devlet-Kirey Tsarev and under my brother Magmet-Kirey Tsarev, the former Moscow sovereign in amiyats was Sulesh Prince, Mustafa agha, Murat Prince, Derbysh- prince, Musly atalyk, and I have in the amiyats of the good Ahmed Pasha prince, Ahmed agha and Abdul Aziz chelibey " [RGADA, f. 123, op. 1, 1604, ed. chr. 1, l. 145]. In the first place, the khan put the head of the Yashlavsky clan, thus recognizing their hereditary "amiatstvo". The Kulyukov clan, which at the beginning of the XVII century was headed by the son of Bek Derbysh Sefer-Kazy, who performed an important embassy in Warsaw after the establishment of False Dmitry I in Moscow [RIO, vol. 137, p. 250], "switched" to the establishment of hereditary "amiatstvo" in relations with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

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Thus, the Crimean clans of the Yashlavskys, Kulikovs, and Cherkassk Murzs retained their positions among the "near tsar's people" throughout the second half of the 16th century. The prominence of representatives of traditional Crimean surnames is situational in nature and is mainly explained by their kinship with the ruling khan. There is a steady tendency for khans to be promoted to the first places in the divan of Atalyks when changing khans. Control over the main directions of the Crimean foreign policy was generally maintained by the Yashlavsky and Kulikov clans, which is confirmed by their huge role in the history of the Crimean Khanate in the first half of the XVII century, traditionally noted in Russian, Ukrainian and Polish historiography.

ARCHIVED SOURCES

RGADA - Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. Moscow. F. 89. Relations of Russia with Turkey. D. 2. F. 123. Relations of Russia with the Crimea. D. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21. F. 127. Relations of Russia with the Nogai Horde. D. 6. F. 389. Litovskaya metrica. d. 591.

Archiwum Glowny Akl Dawnich (AGAD).

Archivum Koronne Warzawskie (AKW) Dz tatsrskie Karton 62 Tecza 36 118.

Archiwum Skarbu koronnego (ASK). Sygn 223, 234, 236, 238, 241, 251.

sources

The book Embassy Metrics of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, containing the diplomatic relations of Lithuania during the reign of King Sigismund Augustus (from 1545 to 1572). Published on behalf of the Imperial Moscow Society of Russian History and Antiquities by Prince M. Obolensky and Professor I. Danilovich. Moscow, 1845.

Collection of the Imperial Russian Historical Society (RIO). Issue 137, Moscow, 1912.

Article list of the Moscow Envoy to the Crimea Ivan Sudakov in 1587-1588 / Published by F. Dashkov // Izvestiya Tavricheskoy uchenoy archivnoy komissii (ITUAK), No. 14, Simferopol, 1891, pp. 43-80.

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Belyakov A.V. Vinogradov A.V. Murad-Girsy: a serving Genghisid in Russia or a pretender to the Crimean throne? // Turkological collection. 2011-2012. Moscow, 2013.

Belyakov A.V., Vinogradov A.V. "The case of Musly Atalyk". On the history of the military-political confrontation between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Russian State and the Porte during the dynastic crisis in the Crimea in 1584-1588. No. 6. Kazan, 2014, pp. 51-62.

Vinogradov A.V. Rod Sulesh in the foreign policy of the Crimean Khanate of the second half of the XVI century / / Turkological collection 2005. The Turkic Peoples of Russia and the Great Steppe, Moscow, 2006, pp. 26-73.
Vinogradov A.V. Russian-Crimean relations. 50s - second half of the 70s of the XVI century Moscow, 2007.

Vinogradov A.V. "Moskovskaya partiya" v Krymu v 70-90-kh gg. XVI V. ["Moscow Party" in the Crimea in the 70s and 90s of the 16th century]. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference. Nizhny Novgorod State University named after N. I. Lobachevsky (October 24-25, 2008) Nizhny Novgorod, 2010. pp. 403-416.

Vinogradov A.V. Russko-krymskie otnosheniya 1591-1593 gg.: ot konfrontatsii k poiskam mirnykh resheniy [Russian-Crimean relations in 1591-1593: from confrontation to the search for peaceful solutions]. Srednevekovye tyurko-tatarskiye gosudarstva, No. 6, Kazan, 2014, pp. 18-50.

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Muscovy, the Ottoman Empire and the crisis of succession to the Khan's power in the Crimea in 1577-1588, pp. 220-254.

Dobrodomov I. G. Once again about molochnykh bratyakh (emildesh) / / Altaiskie yazyki i vostochnaya filologiya: Pamyati R. Tenisheva [Altay languages and Eastern Philology: In memory of R. Tenishev], Moscow, 2005, pp. 157-161.

Zaitsev I. V. The fate of an aristocrat. Ak-Mukhammed-oglan and his son Fyodor / / Zolotoordynskoe obozrenie. No. 2, Kazan, 2013, pp. 146-156.

Kusheva E. N. Narody Severnogo Kavkaza i ikh svyazi s Rossii v XVI-XVII vvakh [Peoples of the North Caucasus and their Relations with Russia in the XVI-XVII centuries].

Any AA Tatar "the funeral" in the context of relations between the Polish Kingdom and Grand Duchy of Lithuania from the Crimean khanate in the sixteenth century studies in the history of Eastern Europe. Issue 1. Minsk, 2008, pp. 239-262.

Novoselsky A. A. The Struggle of the Muscovite state with the Tatars in the First half of the 17th century Moscow-Leningrad, 1948.

Sokurov V. N. Formirovanie pro-rossiiskoi orientiatsii v kabarda, 1552-1560 gg. [Formation of pro-Russian orientation in Kabarda, 1552-1560]. Issue 5. Moscow, 2011, pp. 115-141.

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