In recent years, scientific interest in the past of Moscow has acquired a fundamentally different scale and historical and cultural dimension than before, due to the attraction of new archival sources and the expansion of the boundaries of research on this problem in general. This is due, among other things, to the study of the life of Muslim ("Asian") peoples, who, along with other peoples, had a significant influence on the formation of the historical image of Moscow. The East Asian character of the capital, which was evident to many researchers of Moscow antiquity, starting with N. M. Karamzin, has now received significant scientific support thanks to modern discoveries, opening the way for new generalizations. "In fact, Asia is already being anticipated in Moscow," wrote G. P. Fedotov, a well - known Russian thinker and publicist, in 1926. "The European who visited it for the first time and the Russian who returns to it from wandering in the West are acutely pierced by the Asian soul of Moscow "[Fedotov, 1989, pp. 209-217]. Dozens of contemporary historical, ethnographic, ethno-confessional, and cultural studies are devoted to the topic of Asian Moscow.The purpose of this article is to summarize and analyze them.

The multinational capital of the Russian state is a multi-layered social entity that bears the imprint of different eras and at the same time is a source of formation of spiritual values, where a huge historical and cultural heritage is concentrated and the historical memory of the peoples who have long inhabited it and still live is preserved.

In the conditions of modern Russia, when the importance of the ethno-religious factor tends to grow steadily, Islam, as the most important spiritual and religious tradition, plays a significant role in the cultural and socio-political processes of the state, being "an integral part of the historical heritage of the peoples of Russia" [Preamble of the Federal Law..., 1997, p. 1]. Archival documents presented in the Russian State Archive of the State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), the Department of Manuscripts of the State Historical Museum (OR GIM), the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian State Library( OR RSL), the Moscow State Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs( MGA MFA), as well as in the Central Historical Archive of Moscow (CIAM), the Central Archive of Scientific and Technical Documentation of Moscow (TSANTD), serve as an important tool in the development of this problem.

The appeal to Moscow's Muslim past highlights one of its main features as a historical city that can reflect the depth and diversity of Russian civilization. Moscow has long included various cultures of the peoples of a huge country, the multi-ethnic composition of its citizens also determined the diversity of faiths, which in turn affected the spiritual life of society, the appearance of the city, which includes many socio-cultural layers that relate to various aspects of its functioning at each stage of historical development. Moscow has always been not only the scene of the most important historical events

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events, but also a center of attraction for representatives of many nations, including Muslim ones. The "historical registration" of ethnic groups that are ethnically and spiritually connected with Islam, which the Russian chronicle tradition, according to various sources, called "Besermens", "Pechenegs", "Hagarites", "Ismailites", "Basurmans", "Turchens", etc., began, according to archaeological data, even before the formation of the Moscow state and those localities that eventually entered the borders of Moscow [Zabelin, 1996, p. 33]. The use of Moscow microhistory can influence generalizations of a more" high", macrohistorical nature, as well as significantly supplement or clarify individual episodes of the formation of Russian statehood, which generally confirms the well-known observation of the outstanding Russian historian N. M. Karamzin: "Who was in Moscow, knows Russia." In this regard, the contextual principle of studying Moscow history as a methodology for studying the problem posed seems to be fully justified and justified.

The concept of "Muslim" has various definitions in the scientific literature - from purely ethnic or based on the sign of belonging to a particular culture to referring to Muslims only those who follow all the precepts of Islam. The term "Muslim peoples" in Russia refers, as is now generally accepted, to certain ethnic groups that traditionally belonged to the historically established areas of Islamic civilization in the Volga region, the Urals, the North Caucasus, Dagestan and Siberia. Natives of these places gradually formed the Muscovite-Muslim population, mainly Tatar. Moscow Muslims as an ethno-cultural territorial social group began to develop at the beginning of the 2nd millennium, which is associated with the era of active spread of Islam, including the northern outskirts of Eurasia [Asadullin, 2004, p.9-29; Asadullin, 2007, p. 11-24].

The history of relations between different peoples of Eurasia during the formation of the Russian state in the north-east of Russia, the center of which in the XII century was Moscow, has always attracted the attention of researchers in our country and abroad [Russia and the East, 2000].

At the first stage of this period, through the development of trade and the establishment of international contacts, the ancient Russian society began to get acquainted with the life of neighboring and distant Muslim peoples, which served as an impetus for mutual knowledge and study. Thanks to the available evidence from the writings of medieval Arab and Persian travelers and historians of the IX-X centuries. at-Tabari ("History of Kings"), al-Masudi ("News of Epochs"), Ibn Khordabeh ("Book of Ways and States"), Ibn Fadlan ("Journey to the Volga"), Abu Ali Omar Ibn Dast ("The Book of Precious Treasures"), Ibn Rust, Ibn Asam al-Kurr and others can generally get an idea of the multi-lingual peoples and tribes of this corner of Eastern Europe - the Khazars, Volga Bulgars, Burtases, " as-sakaliba "(Slavs), their way of life and customs [Garkavi, 1870; Journey of Ibn Fadlan..., 1939; Krachkovsky, 1950; Amin al-Kholi, 1962]. P. P. Gnedich in his famous "History of Art" directly points out that the first information about the utensils and ornaments of the Slavs, as well as about Slavic costumes, we have from "Arab writers" [Gnedich, 1996].

An echo of these distant events in Russian writing is the extremely sparse and superficial remarks about the Polovtsians (Kipchaks) and Bulgarians in the "Tale of Bygone Years", the earliest chronicle of the beginning of the XII century. [The Tale of Bygone Years, 1950; 1996; 1999; The Tale of Bygone Years, 1997]. Diverse problems of the Golden Horde ("Tatar" - according to Berdyaev)1 of the period of the history of Russia is widely represented both in the works of Arab and Persian medieval authors of the XIII-XIV centuries (Rashid ad-Din, Juweini, Ibn Arab Shah, Ibn Battuta), collected by V. G. Tizenhausen in his famous work [Tizenhausen, 1884; 1941], and in the Russian chronicle tradition, which gives a rich source of information. (but contradictory) factual material.

Most of the known chronicles are characterized by an anti-Horde orientation, although, as modern researchers note, izvestiya, for example, the Lavrentiev Chronicle, dating back to the 13th century, is not authentic and is clearly edited (possibly rewritten) [Prokhorov, 1972; Prokhorov, 1974]. Inserts of a later period are found in the monument of the XIII century - the Ipatiev chronicle, which allows us to say

1 In Russian book sources of the XIII century. to name the state ruled by the descendants of Genghis Khan's eldest son Jochi, the term "Tatars" was mainly used, the concept of "Golden Horde" appears only by the end of the XVI century, when the state designated by this term no longer existed.

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not about the chronicler's opinion that is synchronous with the events, but about the later (and therefore tendentious) interpretation of the "Mongol-Tatar invasion" (Kuchkin, 1973). As the analysis of other monuments of the chronicle of North-Eastern Russia (the Trinity, Simeon, Sofia and other chronicles), directly or indirectly devoted to the Moscow-Horde relations, shows that the postulates of the "struggle against the Horde yoke" established over the centuries in Russian historical science do not correspond to historical reality from the point of view of modern knowledge on the problem under study [Gorsky, 2000].

In the 15th and 16th centuries, when forms of Byzantine religiosity prevailed in Muscovy, the life of Muslim peoples, with rare exceptions, was perceived through the prism of their assessment as "godless" and enemies of the Christian faith. In chronicle monuments or samples of Russian literature of this time (for example, "The Word about the Battle of Kulikovo by Sophonius of Ryazan", XV century), the Tatars, in particular, were depicted as a hostile force to the Russians.2 The historiography of the medieval period of Moscow proper is represented by chronicle material (for example, the chronicle according to the Ipatiev list) and a literary monument of the end of the XVI century. "The Tale of the Beginning of Moscow "(Tikhomirov, 1950; Salmina, 1964). Describing the degree of study of the Moscow history of the early Middle Ages, Academician SB. Veselovsky notes: "If the monuments of writing have preserved relatively few traces of (Moscow - F. A.) antiquity, then, naturally, we cannot ask much from the people's memory" [Veselovsky, 2008, p. 31].

After leaving the Golden Horde, the policy of the Russian tsars in relation to Eastern "foreigners", including their own Muslims, from the XIV to the XVIII centuries was contradictory: sometimes under the influence of international interests, primarily ties with the Ottoman Empire, it differs in pure pragmatism, then under the influence of the dictates of the Church it becomes discriminatory, ranging from moderately- bad attitude to the worst. In the context of the forced Europeanization of society initiated by Peter I, the theme of Russia's recent past associated with the "Tatar yoke" acquires negative semantic connotations: "Tatarism" and" Asiaticism " become symbols of backwardness and stagnation. During the reign of Catherine II, recognizing Islam as a "tolerant" religion, the government deliberately began liberalizing the religious life of its loyal Muslim subjects, which to a certain extent stimulated the search for external and internal cultural influences and borrowings that affected the character of both the statehood of Russia and the Russian people itself.

The result is a move forward in the actual accumulation of historical material, the study of the economic and political consequences of the yoke, which is conceptually reflected in the well-known thesis of N. M. Karamzin: "Moscow owes its greatness to the Khans" (Karamzin, 1988, p. 429). At the same time, in the XVIII-XIX centuries, the scientific study of Muslim peoples, including those who inhabited the territory of a huge empire, began, and in Russian society, a revision of the attitude towards Islam in general began. Thus, the founder of Slavophilism, A. S. Khomyakov, whose life was closely connected with Moscow, in the article "Features from the life of the Caliphs" admits that Islam is based partly on true principles and has common origins with Christianity: "Mohammedanism came from the very root from which the law of Moses came... The descendants of Abraham after Ishmael settled in Arabia and preserved the same tradition, with some errors and false teachings mixed in." The philosopher was far from accusing Islam of falsity, especially noting the high morality of the first Muslims and the Arabian character of "the new law, for which the Arabians were already prepared by their own traditions with warm love and unlimited faith" [Khomyakov, 1994, pp. 483-484].

Some extremely informative observations about the life and characteristics of the "Mohammedan peoples" of Moscow and the Russian Empire can be found in the works of Russian writers K. N. Batyushkov (describing Moscow at the beginning of the XIX century, he compared it to an oriental bazaar, where you can see "a Tatar, a Turk in a turban and shoes... an important Persian" [Batyushkov, 1962, p. 13]), N. A. Dobrolyubov [Dobrolyubov, 1986, p. 114], P. Ya.Chaadaev [Chaadaev, 1987, p. 123-124], F. M. Dostoevsky [Dostoevsky, 1956, p. 456].

V. Gilyarovsky, a life writer of the Moscow reality of the second half of the XIX century, in his well-known essays "Moscow and Muscovites", practically ignoring the life of the Tatar people.

2 This approach is typical, for example, for V. N. Tatishchev's History of Russia, which contains well-known Old Russian chronicles. Being a "nestling of Petrov's nest", he formulated in his work a view of history as an instrument of patriotic education, in which the "Busurman" component was designed to set off the Orthodox essence of Holy Russia.

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While the reporter seems to have found the settlement uninteresting or inconspicuous, he draws attention to the" oriental exoticism " of the capital, namely, the conspicuous Asian component of the urban population. In his work there are references to "Eastern people" who settled in the farmsteads of Ilyinka and Nikolskaya, who" in Circassians of expensive cloth, in gold belts, with daggers glittering with large precious stones "find themselves in a gambling house where they play baccarat "on a large scale" and eventually end up under arrest.- Tatars ("Persians"), who were discharged after the publication of Pushkin's "Journey to Arzrum" from Tiflis to Moscow to work in the Sandun baths; the first Moscow kebab makers Avtandilov and Sulkhanov, who in the 1870s - 1880s. kept fashionable Caucasian cellars and canteens at Sofiyka, Myasnitskaya and Cherkassky pereulok [Gilyarovsky, 1979, p. 126-129].

Russian historians usually ignored the question of the Muscovite Muslims. In their works, only occasionally did they express individual opinions about the influence of the Muslim, mainly Tatar, population on Moscow. Along with Karamzin, who recognized the "greatness of the khans" in the history of the Moscow State, this topic is touched upon in the works of V. O. Klyuchevsky, N. I. Kostomarov, and A.V. Instantiarsky [Klyuchevsky. 1989; Kostomarov, 2006; Instantirsky, 1998]. Art historian and translator P. P. Gnedich notes a noticeable Tatar influence in the traditional Moscow costume, pointing out that "frequent relations with the Horde convinced the Russians of the greater expediency of the Tatar costume" [Gnedich, 1996, pp. 294-295].

V. V. Velyaminov-Zernov, a descendant of the Kasimov Khans, author of a major work on the homeland of his ancestors, left a great mark on the study of the history of Muslims in European Russia, including Moscow Russia. Being a kind of encyclopedia of the Turkic peoples of Russia, the history of the Kasimov Khanate, which existed for 250 years in the immediate vicinity of Moscow, is considered by the scientist in close connection with other state formations of that period [Velyaminov-Zernov, 1863-1867].

Various aspects of the life of the Muslim community in Moscow, mainly Tatar, are reflected in the articles of prominent Russian orientalists V. A. Gordlevsky and A. N. Samoilovich.3
In general, as modern researchers rightly note, "the Russian official historiography of the XIX century inherited from the Muscovite Tsardom a figure of silence and a few stingy facts that were designed to prove the simultaneous destructive impact of the Tatar invasions and the absence of any impact of the Tatars on Russian culture" [History and Memory..., 2006, p. 702]. Information about Moscow's "non-Believers", including Muslims, interested some authors only in the context of a general description of the population of Moscow, the development of the city and the situation of different social groups, and the influence of historical heritage [Kondratyev, 1893; Tretyakov, 1901]. Many aspects of the Muslim reality and ethno-confessional processes in Moscow were ignored or given a one-sided interpretation due to ideological attitudes, censorship restrictions, and other circumstances. For example, in the works of the leading historian of Moscow studies I. E. Zabelin, one can find mostly derogatory or negative assessments of the significance of the Muslim factor in the history of Moscow [Zabelin, 1992, p. 49]. An exception is the book by the Moscow journalist A. Tamarin, written after the February Revolution and reflecting on the role of Russian Muslims as an active subject of the country's historical development (Tamarin, 1917).

The influence of the previous preconceived ideas about the Muslims of Russia remains in the Soviet historiography, which was mainly agitational-propaganda and atheistic orientation. The authors considered the history of the religion of peoples, including Muslim ones, from the standpoint of historical materialism (see, for example: [Novoselsky, 1948]).

At the same time, in the emigrant community in the first half of the 20th century, the works of "Eurasians" appear, in which the role and significance of the Islamic-Turkic factor in the history of Russia receives an assessment close to objective and scientifically balanced. Thus, in the works of N. S. Trubetskoy, the "Turanian" concept of Russian history is formulated and the significant influence of the "Asian element" on everything is recognized.

3 See, for example, the publications of academician V. A. Gordlevsky on the life of the Moscow Tatars of the early 20th century, included in volume IV of the author's selected works [Gordlevsky, 1968], as well as his article on Moscow Muslims "Visiting the Tatars", which N. A. Baskakov refers to [Baskakov, 1973].

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aspects of life in Moscow Rus ' (Trubetskoy, 1995). In this vein, the scientific thought of such Soviet historians as A. Y. Yakubovsky develops, who criticizes "Russian bourgeois historiography" for being biased in covering the nature of relations between the Russian principalities and the Turkic-Muslim world in the past [Yakubovsky, 1932]. A conceptual approach to the issues of the Mongol invasion and its consequences is demonstrated by the well-known work of A. N. Nasonov, which analyzes the influence of Horde diplomacy on inter-princely relations (Nasonov, 1940). Rich factual material that covers the costs of tendentious Marxist methodology characterizes the historical works of L. Klimovich, P. N. Miller, and M. N. Tikhomirov devoted to various aspects of the life of the Muslim peoples of Moscow and Russia (Klimovich, 1936; Miller, 1938; Tikhomirov, 1947).

In collections of documents [Monuments of Russian Law..., 1955; Complete Collection of Russian Chronicles, 1965; Russian Legislation..., 1988] and studies of Soviet scientists of the 1950s-1980s [Safargaliev, 1962; Kudryashov, 1962; Zimenkov, 1962; Veksler and Melnikova, 1973; Vydro, 1976; Martynov, 1978 Murav'ev, 1981; Veksler, 1982, etc.] contains useful factual material that is of interest in analyzing both general and specific features of the ethno-confessional psychology of Moscow and, more broadly, Russian Muslims. At the same time, the field of Muscovite studies, which is directly related to the study of Muslim ethnic groups in Moscow, begins to take shape. The most valuable article in the field of Muslim Muscovite studies is the article by the geographer-demographer L. I. Rozenberg, who collected a wealth of factual material on the social class composition, features of settlement, and professional employment of the Tatars of Moscow in the XVII-XIX centuries. [Rosenberg, 1987], and an article by the orientalist V. G. Sadur, who continues this theme until the first Russian Revolution [Sadur, 1987]. These publications can be considered the first attempts at a comprehensive study of the topic of the Tatar-Muslim community of Moscow, which gives an adequate idea of the independent significance of the Muslim component in the historical heritage of the city. The authors study a significant range of archival sources: handwritten lists and census books of the late Middle Ages, building indexes and alphabetical lists of parts of Moscow in the early 19th century, memoirs of foreigners and census data of Moscow and the Russian Empire, address calendars and reference books "All Moscow".

Post-Perestroika historiography, overcoming previously established ideological stereotypes and patterns regarding the Muslim population of the country, significantly expands the boundaries of knowledge about the past of the Russian state, including the Golden Horde [Fedorov-Davydov, 1994; Iskhakov and Izmailov, 2000; Yegorov, 2005; Kramarovsky, 2005; Galiametova, 2007; Kulpin, 2008]. At the same time, the history of Islam has become the subject of close attention of many social scientists: religious scholars, philosophers, historians, ethnographers, Orientalists, and Islamic scholars [Landa, 1995; Islam in the Tatar world..., 1997; Malashenko, 1998; Islam in History..., 2000; Islam in the Volga region..., 2000; Islam in Eurasia... , 2001; Arapov, 2001; Mukhametshin, 2001; Abdulatipov, 2002; Batunsky, 2003; Mukhametshin, 2003; Gainutdin, 2004; Arapov, 2004; Iskhakov, 2004; Islam in the Soviet Union..., 2004, Makhmutov, 2006; Tikhonov, 2007]. The study of Islam has risen to a qualitatively new level, taking into account that modern historical science pays more and more attention to various aspects of human life, including the spiritual environment, which is one of the main indicators of the state of society and its progress. There is a deep interest in studying the history of Muslim communities in large Russian cities, such as St. Petersburg and Tver [Khalidov, 1998; Asadullin and Batyrgareev, 1998; Zagidullin, 2003; Telyashov, 2003].

General works on the history of Moscow contain valuable information, in particular on the Tatar population (Smolitskaya, 1996; Nazarevsky, 1997; Tikhomirov, 1997; Gavrilova, 1998; Glushkova, 1999; Tikhomirov, 1999; Ivanov, 2000; Moscow..., 1997; Kuchkin, 2003). Travel notes, memoirs of foreign travelers, scientists, merchants, and diplomats who once visited Moscow, where they also saw Muslim citizens, are published and reprinted [Notes on Russia..., 1990; Foreigners..., 1991]. New facts about the decisions taken by the Communist Party leadership in relation to Soviet Muslims are contained in collections of historical documents [Top Secret..., 2001-2004; TSKRKP(b) - VKP(b)..., 2005].

The Muslim community of Moscow has become the subject of special study by B. R. Logashova and Sh. F. Mukhamedyarov, I. V. Zaitsev, D. A. Khalturina and other researchers. These works contain largely new material, interesting from a scientific point of view historical and socio-cultural observations, well-founded assessments and forecasts concerning the realities of Muslims-

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the Russian reality of the capital (Logashova and Mukhamediarov, 1997; Logashova and Mukhamediarov, 2000; Zaitsev, 2004; Khalturina, 2007; Gavrilov and Shevchenko, 2007; Islam in Moscow, 2008).

A special section of the collective work "Muslims of a Changing Russia" is dedicated to the Muslims of Moscow, which sheds light on some social and ethno-psychological features of the Muslim population of the capital. The results of a socioanthropological survey conducted in mosques in Moscow in January 2002 are of particular interest for scientific analysis [Moslems..., 2002].

A significant study on this issue is the monograph by D. Z. Khayretdinov, in which the author, summarizing a large number of archival sources, examines the history of the Muslim community of Moscow from the XIV to the beginning of the XX century.and comes to the conclusion that the formation of this community as an organic element of Moscow society did not entail the loss of its religious and cultural identity. Neither the relative smallness of the community in the feudal era, nor the amorphous nature of its status within Moscow society belittle its significance as a community that survived under the centuries-old pressure of state Orthodox ideology in the neighborhood of an overwhelming non-ethnic environment. According to Khayretdinov, in the conditions of symbiosis of elements of the grand ducal, and then tsarist and khan rule in Russia, both small Tatars and the overwhelming majority of Russians equally felt themselves masters of Moscow-both during the Golden Horde and during the Tatar khanates formed in its place. Although after the majority of the Tatar states became part of Russia, Muslims lost their leading position, de facto they retained many of the attributes of a privileged status. In addition to religion, culture, and language, the core elements of the Muslim community's existence were the length of time spent in Moscow, a compact settlement, and the presence of a number of general-purpose facilities (such as a mosque and cemetery). These last three points radically distinguished the Moscow community from the Muslim communities of other cities in European Russia (Khayretdinov, 2002).

N. S. Goncharova's PhD thesis contains a large amount of material on the history of the Moscow Tatars up to 2002. The author notes that although Tatar merchants appeared in Moscow a long time ago (merchants who arrived with embassies, horse dealers, etc.), it is not possible to give a serious scientific analysis of the Tatar population of the city earlier than the middle of the XIX century. limited source base. Challenging the conclusions of Khayretdinov's research, Goncharova writes that the prerequisites for the formation of a single Muslim community in the city appeared only at the end of the XVII century, since the group of Muslims was small, divided by class partitions, and the attitude of the authorities towards it was negative and prohibitive [Goncharova, 2003].

In my opinion, the above circumstances are not a criterion for determining the time of the emergence of the Muslim community here, which, judging by the well-known archaeological and other data, appeared even before Moscow became part of the Golden Horde. The foundation of the city in the 12th century can be considered at the same time as the time of acquaintance of its population through Muslim colonists with Islam, when the first ethnic Muslims settled here - the Volga Bulgars, who, according to Islamic requirements, had to organize religious life, as well as at the time of the appearance of the first Muslim community (jamaat), according to the Islam, like any other world religion (Christianity, for example), also functions through collective forms of performing ritual practices, primarily joint worship services, prayers, and religious gatherings. 4 It is the requirements of religion that should be considered the main criterion in this matter, since the community of Moscow Muslims was a resilient social organism that preserved its customs for centuries and traditions.

As far as foreign historiography is concerned, the history of the Muslim community in Moscow has not received any significant and in-depth coverage. The only work that has some (rather indirect) relation to this topic is B. Ishboldin's "Essay on Tatar History" written in English (Ishboldin, 1973).

Thus, expanding the field of research of Moscow history by attracting poorly studied and new materials about the life of the Muslim ethnic groups of the capital is able to:

4 The history of Ancient Russia, as noted by P. N. Milyukov, begins with the assimilation of the Byzantine form of religiosity, its external form and ritual (Milyukov, 1994). The fact of the baptism of Prince Vladimir in 988 is in the historical literature, starting with N. M. Karamzin, the starting point of the formation of the Old Russian state (Kievan Rus).

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to create a more objective and adequate picture of the existence of peoples associated with Islam and Islamic civilization in general by their historical, spiritual and cultural traditions. The multi-layered and multi-factorial nature of Moscow's history is perhaps the key to understanding the complex and contradictory nature of Russian civilization as a whole, the Islamic component of which has indisputable scientific and cultural significance.

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