The Uyghur Khaganate (744 - 840) significantly differed in some features of economy, ideology and foreign policy from other empires created by medieval nomads of Central Asia. Agriculture and urbanization developed significantly, Manichaeism was adopted as the state religion, and the usual steppe practice of regular raids on the border lands of China was replaced by relatively peaceful coexistence. The reason for these changes was a favorable combination of external and internal factors for the Uyghurs.

A. K. Kamalov, a well-known expert on the ancient Uyghurs, identifies three main periods in the history of the ancient Uyghur tribes: 1) nomadic alliances in Mongolia and Dzungaria in the IV-VI centuries, 2) the period of khaganates in Central Asia (the first khaganate existed in 647-689, the second - in 744-840; 3) the period of settled Uyghur states in East Turkestan and Gansu, IX-XIII centuries). [Kamalov, 2001, p. 7]. This article will focus on the Second Uyghur Khaganate, commonly referred to simply as the Uyghur Khaganate , a nomad state entity formed by the union of Turkic-speaking tribes1, collectively referred to as the Uyghurs. The khaganate emerged on the ruins of the Second Khaganate of the ancient Turks after 744 and lasted for almost a hundred years, after which it was destroyed by the Kyrgyz. The subject of our discussion is not so much the Uyghur ethnic group, but rather a historical and cultural phenomenon, a political community headed by Uyghurs.

It is generally accepted that the Uyghur Khaganate is a typical steppe empire, and the Uyghurs are real nomads. However, some features of the khaganate's culture distinguish it from the series of other state formations of the nomads of Central Asia that have replaced each other over the centuries. Against the general ethno-cultural background of the steppes, the Uyghurs 'achievements in trade, urban planning, and agriculture may seem "revolutionary" (Kolbas, 2005, p. 303).

The material basis of the khaganate's economy was the same as that of other nomads - cattle, the grazing technology of which, obviously, could not significantly differ from that adopted by other inhabitants of the Central Asian steppes. The worldview and ideology were also shared not only with their immediate predecessors, the ancient Turks, but also with other Turkic and Mongolian peoples: the Xiongnu, Xianbi, Ruanzhuan, and Mongols. It can be assumed that in the early years of the Uyghur state, the role of the state religion was played by Tengrianism - the cult of the Eternal Sky, a phenomenon of Central Asian spiritual culture that can be clearly traced at least from the time of the Xiongnu and cannot be reduced to shamanism2, although the latter, of course, is also true

1 The Second Uyghur Khaganate Confederation united seven Tele (Tokuz-Oguz) tribes (Uyghurs, Buku / Bukut, Hun / Kun, Bayirku, Tonra, Seguir / Seqir, Kibi) and Ediz. The khaganate was headed by nine Uyghur clans (Malyavkin, 1983, p. 6).

2 Many works have been written about Tengrianism and its difference from shamanism; the author of the term is the French orientalist J.-P. Roux.

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existed. Tengrianism can be called the "pulsating" religion of Central Asia. It manifests itself vividly during the creation of nomadic empires and becomes inconspicuous during the years of anarchy. In addition, among the Uyghurs, as among the ancient Turks, there were followers of Buddhism, perhaps even organized in the sangha.

N. N. Kradin's attempt to formalize the degree of complexity of nomadic societies by ten parameters (writing, degree of settlement, agriculture, urbanization, technological specialization, land transport, money, population density, level of political integration, social stratification) shows that the Uyghur Khaganate did not differ much from other steppe powers of antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was only slightly ahead of the Xiongnu, Xianbi, and Mongol empires before 1206, was almost equal to the Ruanzhuan and Turkic Khaganates, and was significantly inferior to the Golden Horde and the Khitan Liao Empire (Kradin, 2007, p.72). Although this formalization option is not the best possible one, as N. N. Kradin himself points out, it nevertheless demonstrates a somewhat more complex structure of the Uyghur state compared to similar steppe empires. The Golden Horde and the Liao, as semi-nomadic states, are a priori more complex than any of them.

The khaganate's borders extended from the Altai and Sayan Mountains in the north to Ordos and Alashani in the south, and from Bolshoy Khingan in the east to the upper Irtysh River in the west, i.e., they were quite typical of the nomadic states of Central Asia.

According to E. I. Kychanov, the state system of the khaganate had no fundamental differences from the ancient Turkic one [Kychanov, 1997, p. 125]. However, having preserved the Turkic heritage in the military-administrative structure, the Uyghurs were unable to recreate the detachments of armored cavalry, which formed the basis of the military power of the ancient Turks [Khudyakov, 2007, p. 156]. The khaganate was headed by the Yaglakar Uyghur family, and since 795 by the Edizs. As with other nomadic peoples, supreme power was considered sacred among the Uyghurs. Kagana puts the Sky: "I, the Unborn Eletmish Bilge-kagan, together with the Unborn Elbilge-katun (...) Because (I) was favored by the blue Sky above, and because (I) was nurtured by the brown Earth below, my ale and my institutions were created" (Klyashtorny, 1980, p. 92). The Kagan has charisma (kut) - a special power, the presence of which makes his power legitimate. The legitimate Kagan brings the world into harmony, while the illegitimate kagan provokes natural disasters and enemy attacks. "The strength of a well-off person puts the whole nation in order, and the strength of a poor person becomes spring water," the people said, and appointed Turyan, who went down in history as Eletmish Bilge-kagan (Bayan-chor, 747-759), as their kagan (Klyashtorny, 1980, p. 94).

The ideology of the Uyghur Khaganate was also similar to that of the ancient Turks. The Uyghurs are chosen by Heaven to rule all the steppes. Their historical right to rule is already declared in the Taesin inscription, presumably dating from 761-762 (Klyashtorny, 1987, p. 27, 33). The Khaganate was perceived by its rulers as the center of the world. The sacred and political center of the khaganate was the Otyuken rabble. According to V. E. Voitov, the Uyghurs borrowed the idea of Otyuken from the Turks of the Second Khaganate (Voitov, 1996, p. 74). Perhaps this area, most often identified with the Khangai Mountains and considered fortified by nature itself, evoked a special, one might say mystical, attitude among the pre-Mongol nomads of Central Asia. This is supported by both ancient Turkic runic texts and the fact that nomads sought to seize Otyuken, and punitive expeditions of the Chinese were often aimed specifically at Hangai. In the first half of the eighth century, the Karluks roamed the Otyuken area until the Uyghurs drove them out during a power struggle with their former allies in the anti-Turkic coalition.

The religious situation in the khaganate initially hardly differed from that in the state of the ancient Turks. D. I. Tikhonov believes that the Uyghurs of the imperial period adopted religious beliefs from their ethnic predecessors.-

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kov-gaoju, who were animists and revered thunder (Tikhonov, 1966, p. 31, 222-223). Chinese sources reported some information about Gaoju shamanism: "They love thunderclaps. At each thunderclap, they shout and shoot into the sky; then they leave the place and disperse. Next year, in the autumn, when the horses are fat, they gather again at the place of the thunderbolt; they bury the ram and light the light with the knife; the shaman recites prayers, just as in the Middle State when removing misfortune. Crowds of men on horseback make many circles around this place; then the man takes a bunch of willow or sedge branches, puts a clod up and pours kumiss over them. A woman, having wrapped mutton bones in leather, puts them on her head, and curls her hair around in curls and lets it down, which is a kind of diadem " (Bichurin, 1950, pp. 215-216).

Shamanism is also known among the Uyghurs themselves. In 765, the Uyghurs, yielding to the persuasions of the Tibetans, invaded Chinese lands for the purpose of plunder. The Tang court expressed bewilderment in this regard, since friendly relations were established between China and the Uyghur Khaganate. The Uyghurs responded, and two shamans predicted that there would be no clashes with the Tang army, that they would see the great man and return home (Mackerras, 1968, p. 47). After the negotiations, the Uyghurs turned their weapons against the Tibetans. Uyghur shamans called for rain and snow in advance. At dawn, the battle began. The Tibetans were completely frozen, their bows and arrows were useless, and they wrapped themselves in felt and slowly made their way forward. They were completely defeated [Mackerras, p. 49, 51].

Totemism is usually considered in close connection with shamanism. The totem of the ruling Uyghur Jaglakar family is considered to be a wolf. The "wolf" origin of the Uyghurs is derived from a well-known genealogical legend about the Gaoju ancestors, which tells the following: "As the people say, the Xiongnu Shanyu gave birth to two daughters of extraordinary beauty, so the population of the domain considered them goddesses. Shanyu stated: "Since I have such daughters, how can I marry them off to [ordinary] people? I'll give them to the Sky!" After that, he built a high terrace in the north of the property, in a deserted area, and settled two daughters on it, saying: "I ask Heaven to meet them." Three years later, the mother wanted to meet her daughters, but shanyu said, " You can't [do this], they are waiting for relocation." Another year passed, and an old wolf appeared, howling day and night, guarding the terrace. He dug a hole under the terrace and never left it. Then the youngest daughter said, " Our father placed me here to give me to Heaven. Now a wolf has appeared, which may be a miraculous creature sent by Heaven." She wanted to go down from the terrace to go to the wolf, but the older sister exclaimed in fright: "This animal, you will only disgrace your father and mother!". However, the younger sister did not listen to her, went down from the terrace, became the wife of a wolf and gave birth to a son. Subsequently, his descendants multiplied and created a state. [That is why] the people of this state love long, long songs, singing which they howl like wolves" [Materials..., 1984, p. 401].

The hint of kinship with the Xiongnu, of course, is far from accidental: it gives the right to inherit power in the steppes. The importance of real or legendary genealogies is well illustrated by the Persian historian and statesman Rashid ad-Din (1247-1318), who served at the court of the Ilkhans. At the beginning of 1300, Genghisid Ghazan Khan had a noteworthy dialogue with the inhabitants of Damascus, which he had recently conquered: "The Sovereign of Islam3 asked them,' Who am I?' They all exclaimed ," King Ghazan is the son of Argun, the son of Abag Khan, the son of Hulagu Khan, the son of Tulu Khan, the son of Genghis Khan." Then [Ghazan Khan] asked: "Who is Nasir's father?4". They said, " Alfie." [Ghazan khan] spro-

3 This is what Rashid al-Din calls Ghazan Khan, who converted to Islam in 1295, the year of his accession to the throne.

4 Refers to Nasir al-Din of the Ayyubid dynasty, Malik of Damascus in 1250-1260.

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Seal: "Who was Alfie's father?" No one said anything. It became clear to everyone that the reign of this family is accidental, and not by right, and that all are servants of the famous descendants of the ancestor of the sovereign of Islam " [Rashid ad-Din, 1946, p. 184].

In the case of the Uyghurs, the right to power is also confirmed by the myth of conception from a wolf, whose heavenly origin was "recognized" by the youngest daughter of Shanyu. Thus, Heaven itself sanctioned the rule of the descendants of this couple.

The memory of the wolf-ancestor was long preserved among the Uyghurs. The image of a wolf's head was on their banners. "The Kagan had a meeting with Tsu-yi (Chinese general - Yu. D.) in the Hu-en Valley. Relying on his own strength, he lined up his soldiers and forced Tsu-yi to pay homage to his wolf flags before the latter could see him" (Mackerras, 1968, p. 4). Thus, the kagan forced such an important person to show signs of respect to his standards. However, as J. R. R. Tolkien has shown, According to Clauson, the totemic hypothesis is by no means supported by the runic texts of the ancient Turks and Uyghurs themselves (Clauson, 1964, p. 3-22).

The mainstay of the Uyghurs ' livelihood, like that of other steppe dwellers, was nomadic cattle breeding, which was described in Chinese historiography with a standard phrase: "Depending on the abundance in the grass and water, they move from place to place" [Bichurin, 1950, p.301]. Behind this extremely concise statement lies the proven technology of nomadism, which has remained virtually unchanged for centuries. "Merging" with the nature of the native steppes gave nomads certain advantages, but at the same time put them in a strong dependence on the weather whims. The fall of the Uyghur Khaganate was preceded by severe bad weather in the winter of 839/40, which killed many livestock and greatly weakened the Uyghurs.

Nomadism has another weakness. As a rule, nomads can not survive only on the products of cattle breeding, they also need grain, silk, metal, jewelry and other goods that are produced in settled states. Most often, settled neighbors were not very interested in trading with nomads, and for China, foreign trade was more an important political tool than a means of developing its own economy. Chinese emperors often closed border markets for political reasons and thus deprived nomads of necessary goods. They had to resort willy-nilly to threats, attacks, robberies and extortion. This tactic was followed by all the nomadic peoples of Central Asia, if they had enough strength for this. However, the Uyghur Khaganate, like no other steppe power, was a calm neighbor for China. Japanese researcher Hayashi Toshio counted only ten cases of Uyghur incursions into China or demonstrations of force, and only one of them (778) can be accepted as a traditional nomad attack (Hayashi, 2002, p. 97). The results of this raid were summed up by Ton Baga tarkan, who in the following year headed the khaganate under the name of Kutlug Bilge-khagan (779-789): "We captured several thousand sheep and horses. We can say that it was a great victory" [Hayashi, p. 93]. For comparison, between 209 BC and 48 AD, the Xiongnu invaded China, according to various estimates, from 40 to 70 times [Kradin, 2002, p. 134]. Even if you take the minimum figure, you get an average of one raid every 6.5 years. Therefore, it is difficult to agree with the authors who claim that the Uyghurs, along with Tibet and the state of Nanzhao, posed a serious threat to China and "annoyed China with raids and robberies" (Tyun, 1987, p. 156). This threat, of course, existed, but, as a rule, in potency and only in rare cases was actualized, resulting in a predatory raid of the Uyghur cavalry.

What is the reason for this "humanity" that is not typical of the nomads of the Great Steppe? It would be too risky to look for it in the ideological plane and link it with the adoption of Manichaeism by the Begu Kagan in 763. The Mani creed, which disapproved of bloodshed, could hardly have had a greater deterrent effect on the Uyghurs than it did on the Uyghurs.,

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for example, no less humane Buddhism on Tibetans in the VIII-IX centuries. The khaganate's relatively peaceful policy toward China stemmed from other reasons.

The rebellion of An Lushan, a Chinese military leader descended from a prominent Turkic-Sogdian family, and his successors in 755-762, brought the Tang Dynasty to the brink of destruction. China had to ask the Uighurs for military assistance, and it is known that it was provided. The Uyghurs were more effective in beating the rebel units, where there were many Turks, because they themselves belonged to the Turkic peoples. They were paid for the service. According to the imperial decree of 757, China was obliged to send 20,000 pieces of silk to the Khaganate every year. In addition, the Uyghurs opened up trade and brought horses to the Middle Kingdom, which they exchanged for silk, and the horses were often of very poor quality. "After the Cheng-yuan period (758-760), the Uyghurs, taking advantage of their service to China, often sent embassies with horses to sell at an agreed price for silk. They usually came every year, selling one horse for forty pieces of silk. Every time they came, they brought several tens of thousands of horses. There were many messengers waiting for a shift in the Courtyard of Diplomatic Receptions. The barbarians bought silk voraciously, and we got useless horses. The court found this extremely annoying" [Mackerras, 1968, p. 55]. It is estimated that the price of one horse was an average of 38 pieces of silk. At the same time, horses were not at all "useless" for the Tang, on the contrary, they were often not enough to complete the army. The fall of the Uyghur Khaganate and, as a consequence, the cessation of regular cross - border trade caused an acute shortage of horses [Beckwith, 1991, p. 187-188, 192]. Tang sources report on the quality of Uyghur horses: "The horses were bad, weak, and unfit" (Mackerras, 1968, p. 56), which seems to be close to the truth.

Unlike other nomads who were neighbors of China and extorted various "gifts", the Uyghurs demanded only silk. They also received it as contraband and dowry for Chinese princesses posing as khagans. They consumed some of it themselves, but the main flow went West through Sogdian merchants. The Uyghurs did not ask for grain: it came from the Western region, and in addition, they grew a certain amount of bread at home, in particular in the area of the capital of the khaganate - the city of Ordu-Balyk (Karabalgasun). The Arab traveler Tamim ibn Bahr, who visited this city in the 830s, drew attention to the intensive development of agriculture in its vicinity (Minorsky, 1948, p.283). The Uighurs have profited greatly from their aid to China. At the expense of Chinese resources, the Uyghur household could be supported at an unprecedented high level of material security [Drompp, 2005, p. 25-26].

The Uighurs were interested in the integrity of China and the presence of a strong center there. They were not original in their Chinese policy: it was followed by almost all nomads of Central Asia, including the ancient Turks [Stark, 2002, p. 363-404]. Territorial acquisitions in the south promised them less benefits than exploiting China's resources through the Tang court: "From the depths of the steppes, they successfully exploited China, without giving the Chinese a chance to interfere in the affairs of nomads "(Barfield, 1989, p. 155). Therefore, the khaganate helped the empire cope with both internal rebellions and external threats, which at that time were represented primarily by Tibetans, motivated by other motives than the nomads of the steppes. T. Barfield notes that when the Uyghur Khaganate fell, Tang lost its defenders and became a victim of the first rebellion [Barfield, 1989, p. 151]5. It is no accident that the Begu-kagan's attempt to change the foreign policy of the khaganate and return to the old steppe practice of raids and border terror caused riots and the death of both the Begu-Kagan himself and his relatives and supporters, as well as Manichaean advisers, who, according to the author of the article, believed that the Khaganate was not completely destroyed.-

5 See also: [Jagchid, 1977, S. 196-197].

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probably, they pushed the kagan not only to plunder raids into the depths of China, but also to annex lands.

Sogdians, natives of Central Asia, played a prominent role in the khaganate. Since ancient times, they led trade caravans and founded colonies in Central Asia. They were not only enterprising, but also highly cultured people, who had their own written language and professed Manichaeism. The phenomenon of Uyghur Manichaeism during the khaganate period has long attracted the attention of scholars [Chavanne and Pelliot, 1911, p. 499-617; Chavanne and Pelliot, 1913, p. 99-199, 261-394; Asmussen, 1965, p. 147-149; Clark, 2000, p. 83-123; Bartakhanova, 2002, pp. 117-121; et al.]. Researchers express different points of view, up to diametrically opposite, on the reasons for the spread of this religion in the territory of the khaganate and its transformation into a state one. The acceptance of Manichaeism by the Begu Kagan is sometimes interpreted almost as an accident or a Kagan's whim: "Don't come Begu Kagan to Luoyang to help reclaim the city [out of hand] Shi Chaoyi, it is doubtful that the Uyghurs would have converted to Manichaeism " [Mackerras, 2000, p. 232]. At the same time, the Manichaeans must have been present in the Mongolian steppes since the ancient Turkic era, and their faith could be shared by some part of the nomads. Perhaps we can agree with Yu. A. Zuev that"...The direct source of Uyghur Manichaeism was the Arslan-Edizs, the Shire Turks of the Second Eastern Turkic Khaganate" (Zuev, 2002, p. 335). The main reason for the Begu Kagan's attention to this religion seems to have been economic interest: the Uyghurs became involved in the transcontinental trade carried out by the Sogdians. If you became a member of the Manichaean community, you could count on your share in this trade. In order to please the Sogdians, the appearance of conversion of the ruling elite of the khaganate was created. A Manichaean presbyter settled in Ordu-Balyk. However, this is not the only possible explanation.

On the example of a number of steppe empires, historiography reveals the following pattern: the consolidation of nomads and the establishment of a more or less stable centralized power in the steppes causes the need to develop a new ideology that justifies the monarchical claims of the ruling family, which traces its origin to Heaven, and, in addition, requires the adoption of religious teachings that would not only sanctify the existing but it would also satisfy all subjects. "Classical" shamanism, as a generic religion, is not suitable for this purpose. Therefore, it was common for the nomadic ruling elite to adopt world religions. It is likely that the Uyghurs could have followed this path, especially since they had someone to borrow their doctrine and cult from.

The Chinese inscription on the trilingual stele in Ordu-Balyk, established in 805-806, reads in part:: "In the whole earth, commoners and living beings, pure and kind, were protected, and the evil ones were exterminated" [Vasiliev, 1897, p. 25]. Such an "idyll" reigned in the steppes with the adoption of the Mani teachings by the Uyghurs. However, it should be noted that in fact, the Uighur foreign policy did not soften at all under the influence of Manichaean moralizing. Contrary to the above quote, the Khaganate has not changed its predatory nature. There was simply no need to show it: China was often compliant and supplied the nomads with silk. And the Uyghurs dealt mercilessly with hostile nomadic tribes.

Scientists ' interpretation of the role of Manichaeism in the fate of the Uyghur Khaganate is ambiguous, but generally negative. L. N. Gumilev tried to explain the instability of the khaganate and its defeat in the war with the Kyrgyz by the discord in Uyghur society caused by this religion [Gumilev, 1993, p. 423-424]. A. G. Malyavkin agrees with L. N. Gumilev [Malyavkin, 1975, p. 66] , and long before these researchers D. M. Pozdneev he noted that all the religions professed by the Uyghurs were imposed on them from the outside, and therefore they did not unite, but demoralized society [Pozdneev, 1899, p. 133].

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At the same time, some researchers positively assess the conversion of Uyghurs to this religion. Thus, a modern Kyrgyz researcher, Doctor of Philosophy Aziz Narynbayev notes the progressive significance of the adoption of Manichaeism by the Uyghurs, since he connects with it the perception of agriculture, crafts, and writing by nomads [Narynbayev, 2004, p.58]. A similar assessment of this act is also given by D. I. Tikhonov [Tikhonov, 1978, p. 57].

For some time now, the Manichaeans began to accompany Uyghur embassies to China and use this opportunity to conduct their trade operations. "At the beginning of Yun-cheng (806-821), the Uyghurs came for a second time to present tribute. For the first time they were accompanied by Manichaeans. The laws of the latter require them to eat only in the evening, drink water, eat only vegetables, and abstain from kumiss. The Kagan constantly involved them in the affairs of the state. The Manichaeans came to the capital and left every year. Western Market traders often had illegal dealings with them" (Mackerras, 1968, p. 96).

However, not everyone was satisfied with the policy of trade instead of raids. First, there must have been forces in the khaganate that were pushed away from the source of enrichment and were interested in direct plunder. Secondly, it is known from Chinese sources that the Sogdians pushed the Begu Kagan to go to war with China (Mackerras, 1968, p. 59). Moriyasu Takao suggested that from the very beginning, the Begu Kagan had conceived the idea of military expansion to the south and seizing China with the support of the Sogdians in order to create its own ruling dynasty there [Hayashi, 2002, p. 111].

In 779, the Begu Kagan was assassinated in a coup d'etat, along with his two sons and his Manichaean advisors. The khaganate was headed by Alp Kutlug Bilge-kagan. The persecution of the Manichaeans began. The policy of the new khagan caused sharp dissatisfaction of the Sughd communities and the rulers of the Western Region subject to the Khaganate, which could not but negatively affect the economy of the Uyghur state. In 795, Alp Kutlug (795 - 805) came to power. He restored a Manichaean presbyter in Ordu-Balik and established relations with the population of the Western Region. Based on these events, we can assume the great importance of the Manichaeans in the life of the Khaganate, which goes far beyond the sermons on salvation.

One of the features of the Uyghur Khaganate was the significant development of urbanization. Of course, this does not mean that the steppe was covered with cities and could compete with China or Iran in this respect. This phenomenon should be considered in the Central Asian context. Before the Uyghurs, urban planning was more or less developed among the Xiongnu. The immediate predecessors of the Uyghurs left no urban settlements in the steppes of Mongolia. The ancient Turks, like their former overlords Ruanzhuan, had no traditions of urban planning. Even in the heyday of their empires, the political centers apparently remained nomadic. A different picture emerged during the existence of the Uyghur Khaganate. The intensification of urban development in the steppes was supposed to mean the increased power of its new owners. The creation of a relatively large (by the standards of Central Asia) settlement requires solving the vital problem of supplying its inhabitants with food. In the unstable political environment, this was not easy at all. To illustrate, let us give an example that became a classic thanks to the testimony of Rashid al-Din: it was enough for Kublai Khan (1260-1294) to stop supplying food to the capital of the Mongol Empire, Karakorum, during the war with his brother Arig-Buga, as "severe famine and high cost" began there [Rashid al-Din, 1960, p. 161].

Why did nomadic people suddenly start creating settled settlements? Why did neither the ancient Turks before, nor the Kyrgyz and early Mongols after did not build cities on the territory of Mongolia, while the Uyghurs already at the dawn of their statehood began to create permanent settlements? From the Bayan Chor monument (Eletmish Bilge Kagan)

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in the Shin-Usu, dated 759-760 AD: "To the Sogd and Tabgachs I gave (orders) on (the shore) Selengi to build (city) Bai-balyk" [Malov, 1959, p. 43]. The cities of the Uyghur Khaganate were transshipment points for storing goods, administrative centers,and garrisons. No less than ten city remains date back to the Uyghur period only in Mongolia [Danilov, 2005, p. 182], 6 and one of them, the capital fortress of Ordu-Balyk, can be estimated as "one of the most advanced military engineering structures of the Middle Ages in Central Asia" [Khudyakov, 1990, p. 182]. 85]. Several fortified settlements were discovered by archaeologists on the territory of Tuva. These ancient settlements obviously served as outposts of the khaganate in the north, on the border with the Kyrgyz possessions [Kyzlasov, 1969, p. 59-63; Vainshtein, 1971, p. 103-114]. Soviet archaeologist L. A. Evtyukhova believed that even in remote mountain nomads, the local population was associated with the urban culture, which so clearly distinguishes the Uyghurs from other peoples of Central Asia (Evtyukhova, 1957, p.224). Sogdian merchants and preachers of the Manichaean religion brought to the steppes the traditions of urban life to which they were historically adapted. In principle, these newcomers could almost disappear without a trace among the steppe population, if not for the significant role that they played at the court of the Uyghur kagans. Having captured the minds of the Uyghur nobility, they were able to very effectively introduce the achievements of their culture in the nomads. However, despite the remarkable success of urban planning, the Khaganate was no exception to the general rule: its urbanization was due more to external factors than to internal development. T. Barfield figuratively called the capital's Ordu-Balyk "the flower of a plant that had roots in Chang'an" (Barfield, 1989, p. 158). The Kyrgyz invasion tore it away from the "root", and the city could not withstand the siege for long. The era of the" Kyrgyz great power " was marked by the decline and disappearance of urban culture in Central Asia.

In connection with the establishment of settled settlements in the Uyghur Khaganate, mention should be made of the spread of agriculture. Although the latter does not necessarily require settlement (nomads sometimes sowed fields in the spring and returned to them in the fall to harvest), in suitable climatic conditions, agriculture becomes a significant help for the pastoralist. Cities and fortresses in Central Asia most often appeared where there was enough water that could be used, including for irrigation of arable land. The economic prerequisites for the transition of some nomads to a sedentary lifestyle and to agriculture as the main form of life support are well studied on the example of the Kazakhs and some other peoples. In the case of the Uighurs, some researchers focus on the religious side of this process. Manichaeism ordered its adherents to abstain from "sinful" food-meat and kumiss, which since ancient times formed the basis of the nomad diet. "But ordinary Uighurs have also experienced the power of the new religion. The Manichaean canon provides for fasting days, when it is forbidden to eat even butter and milk. Uyghur shepherds and hunters had to start vegetable gardens to avoid starvation. In this way, agriculture began to spread in the steppe, " writes L. N. Gumilev with reference to E. Shavann and P. Pelho (Gumilev, 1993, p. 382).

This attempt to link the radical changes in the economic activity of the people with the adoption of a new creed is very interesting, but not entirely correct. The fact is that grain farming has been known in Central Asia since the Neolithic (Okladnikov, 2003, p. 593), and in the case of the Uyghur Khaganate, it is already recorded in the Terkhinsky inscription made between 753 and 759, i.e. before the official adoption of Manichaeism: "Among the eight (rivers) are my cattle and my arable land" [Klyashtorny, 1980, p. 92]. According to S. G. Klyashtorny, this is "the earliest mention in the ancient Turkic literature of ploughed fields".-

6 For more information, see [Danilov, 2004, pp. 56-66, 150-153].

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It localizes the Upper part(river) in south-eastern Tuva and north-western Mongolia, in the Kaakhem River basin (Klyashtorny, 1980, p. 94). Ditches were laid around Ordu-Balyk, and ramparted gardens grew to the east of the fortress (Khudyakov, 1990, p. 85). However, information about the availability of gardens requires verification. If it was possible to grow grains and vegetables with sufficient watering in the vicinity of Ordu-Balik, then fruit trees and berry bushes there should have frozen out. A Persian author of the 13th century. Ata-Malik Juvaini describes the bitter cold that prevailed in Karakorum, which lay only 27 km south of the former Uyghur capital [Juvaini, 1997, p. 213]. Today, this area is also unsuitable for gardening due to the harsh climate.

It is highly doubtful that anyone could force the free nomads to cultivate the land. For a born nomad, work on the land is despised, and a steppe ruler who dared to force his subjects to this occupation would certainly meet with a strong rebuff. This was the lot of the same Sogdians, Chinese, possibly impoverished Uyghurs who lost their cattle, and it was possible to grow bread on the territory of the Uyghur Khaganate only in very limited areas, where nature allowed it. It is impossible to turn all nomads into farmers, if only because the attempt to build the economy of the Central Asian state on an agricultural basis is doomed to failure as it contradicts the local natural and climatic conditions.

Let's summarize what was said. In our opinion, the Uyghur Khaganate is unusual in comparison with other nomadic empires of antiquity and the Middle Ages.: 1) a relatively peaceful policy towards China; 2) urban planning and more developed agriculture; 3) acceptance of Manichaeism as the state religion.

One of the reasons for this is a favorable combination of internal and external factors for the Uyghurs: first, the weakness of Tang China, which was forced to supply the Uyghurs with the Eurasian "currency" of the Middle Ages - silk, and, secondly, the significant cultural influence of the Sogdians. Perhaps, the Uyghur Khaganate, more than other steppe empires, was oriented in its cultural and ideological policy to the West. The first evidence of this orientation is considered to be the fact of applying a Sughd inscription on a Savray stone installed in the Gobi in 763, when the Uyghur army led by Begu Kagan returned from China (Klyashtorny and Livshits, 2006, p. 174).

Despite the catastrophe of 840, a part of the Uyghurs, having left their native places, were able to create two relatively strong state formations-the Ganzhou and Turfan principalities, where they realized the cultural potential accumulated in the steppes of Mongolia.

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