The choice of the work by S. N. Uturgauri and N. Y. Ulchenko "Turgut Ozal-Prime Minister and President of Turkey "(Moscow, IV RAS, 2009, 128 p), which opened a new series of scientific publications "East: historical portraits", is quite justified.

The outstanding Turkish statesman Turgut Ozal is little known here - before the publication of this book, only one article by D. I. Vdovichenko was devoted to him (Voprosy Istorii, 1994, No. 4). Meanwhile, his role in the transformation of the economic and socio-political system of modern Turkey is similar in importance to the reform activities of the great Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in the first decades after the creation of the Republic.

Ozal is the father of market reforms in Turkey, which began in 1980. At that time, he served as an economic adviser in the government of S. Demirel, and later, in the government of the military regime, Ozal was appointed Minister of Economy and was responsible for implementing the reform until his forced resignation in mid-1982.

His reformist activities were widely expanded after he became Prime Minister of the one-party government of the Fatherland Party in late 1983, and later, when he became Prime Minister of the one-party government of the Fatherland Party in late 1989. he was elected President of Turkey. The reforms and transformations carried out during this time have cleared the way for accelerating the country's development and integration into the global economic system.

Based on new data from Turkish sources, the authors were able to clearly and vividly describe the life of T. Ozal, show his inner circle, political and business ties in Turkey and abroad, and much more that formed the personality of this extraordinary person.

Turgut Ozal (1927 - 1993) was born in the Anatolian provincial town of Malatya in a low-income family. In 1945, he entered Istanbul Technical University, where future prominent politicians S. Demirel and N. Erbakan studied at the same time. After graduating from the University in 1950 with a Master's degree in electrical Engineering, Ozal worked for a number of years in the State Administration for Electrification.

An important step that influenced the formation of Ozal's views and had a serious impact on his subsequent activities was joining the Naqshibendi Sufi brotherhood in the late 1950s. This tariqa*, which has a large number of supporters in Turkey, is guided by the principles of moderate Islam, is aimed at creative activity, active participation in public and political life. As shown in the book, Ozal not only did not see this as a danger for the country, whose secular character was enshrined in the constitution, but, on the contrary, he considered it necessary to involve believers in the process of forming civil society and, we add, saw this as a condition

* Tariqa - a Sufi order, brotherhood. The authors have included in the appendix of the reviewed book a short article by A. D. Kiysh on the history of the Naqshibendi brotherhood (p. 115).

turning Turkey into a center of attraction for the region's Muslims.

In the mid-1960s, T. Ozal became involved in political life. His views combined the desire to accelerate the country's modernization according to Western standards with the awareness of the need to open up opportunities for active participation of religious figures and organizations in this process.

T. Ozal's career as a politician began due to the rapprochement and cooperation with S. Demirel during the formation of the Justice Party headed by him. In 1965. Demirel, who became Prime Minister, appointed Ozal as his economic adviser and, in 1967, as head of the State Planning Organization (GPO). However, in 1971, after another military coup, Ozal had to resign and go to the United States. There, he briefly held the position of department head at the World Bank (WB), which testified to his international recognition as a professional economist. When he returned to Turkey in 1974, his main area of activity was business. He becomes a co-owner of a number of companies, creates his own firms.

Ozal used every opportunity to support Islamic capital. He himself becomes the founder of the pro-Islamic National Culture Foundation and the Enlightenment Foundation, and even attempts to run for Parliament on the list of the pro-Islamic National Salvation Party.

Among the personal qualities that ensured the success of Ozalu, the book notes his ability to attract to cooperation "people who at first glance are incompatible in their beliefs, social status, and ethnicity "(p.25), based primarily on their professional and business qualities. When in the second half of the 1970s, after the rise in world oil prices, Turkey began to plunge into a crisis that engulfed not only the economic, but also the political life of the country, S. Demirel, who again headed the government, attracted Ozal as an economic adviser and appointed him head of the GPO. He was entrusted with the task of negotiating with the West and preparing a document on Turkey's recovery from the crisis and achieving economic stabilization based on the recommendations of the IMF and the World Bank. The "Package of Measures on January 24" presented by T. Ozal following the negotiations was approved by the Government.

The country was set the task of transferring Turkey from import substitution to an export-oriented model, transforming the economy from a closed to an open competitive system, and from a predominantly state - owned to a private one. Ozal was not able to complete the reforms he had begun, as he was forced to resign in 1982 - Ozal's neoliberal pro-Western views contradicted the conservatism of the generals, who were committed to Ataturk's statism.

He again travels to the United States, meets and consults with influential officials of the IMF and the World Bank, government officials, and enlists their support. After returning to Turkey in 1983, Ozal founded the Fatherland Party and actively participated in the parliamentary election campaign. According to the information given in the book, the registration of the new party by the military commission was simplified, unlike other political parties, after the meeting of President K. Evren with the American General A. Haig, former commander-in-Chief of NATO forces, who described T. Ozal as "a person devoted to the ideas of democracy and free markets" (p.45).

In the November 1983 elections, Ozal's party won 45% of the vote, which allowed him to form and lead a one-party government, which was in power for less than two terms (from December 1983 to November 1991). The liberalization of foreign trade and currency regimes was continued, and support for the private sector in investment in production-oriented industries was strengthened. export, as well as other industries that generate foreign currency income. These measures made it possible to significantly increase exports, mainly by changing their structure in favor of manufactured goods, and to resume high GDP growth rates.

At the same time, as shown in the section of the book devoted to the economic policy of the Ozal Government, economic liberalization, increased investment in the economy, and increased social spending were accompanied by an increase in the inflationary process and a deepening of property polarization, which caused discontent among the population. Some of the government's populist moves have led to attacks from the opposition.

Ozal's Government has begun to democratize political life. In particular, to mitigate the severity of the Kurdish problem, ways of negotiations and concessions were proposed, as well as the rejection of forceful methods. The ban on the use of the Kurdish language was lifted, its teaching and publication of newspapers were allowed. Kurds were given the opportunity to participate in the parliamentary elections. The creation of private radio and television companies was allowed. Turkey has joined the international Convention on the Prohibition of Torture, and Turkish citizens can now apply to the International Court of Human Rights. These and some other steps related to the introduction of democratic principles in public life, along with measures to liberalize the economy, testified to Turkey's desire for close cooperation with Europe. Later, after T. Ozal was elected president in October 1989, the articles of the Turkish criminal Code prohibiting the creation of Islamic and left-wing parties were abolished, and they were granted the right to participate in the political life of the country.

Quite a lot of attention in the book is paid to Turkey's foreign policy during the reign of Ozal. The authors especially note the activation of Turkey at the regional level. Ankara began to actively develop relations with the Arab world, with the countries of the Balkan Peninsula and, first of all, with the newly created states of Central Asia and the Caucasus after the collapse of the USSR.

Unfortunately, the book barely touches on Turkey's relations with the Soviet Union/Russia, to the development of which T. Ozalom made a huge contribution. It was during the reign of T. Ozal that the foundation was laid for the progressive development of multifaceted Russian-Turkish cooperation.

In general, the book under review leaves a good impression and can be reprinted in the future with additions and clarifications.

E. I. URAZOVA, Doctor of Economics

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