I. IVANOVA, Candidate of Historical Sciences

Turkish-Pakistani relations have been traditionally close and friendly for more than half a century. Ideologically, both countries remain at opposite poles: Turkey has been following a policy of secularism since the proclamation of the republic, while Pakistan adheres to the Islamic ideology as an expression of statehood. But these differences, although reflected in the difference in the two countries ' assessment of certain foreign policy realities, did not generally hinder bilateral ties.

After the declaration of independence of Pakistan in 1947, Turkey demonstrated its desire to establish close ties with this country. Contacts between them were facilitated by the fact that during the second half of the XX century. both countries were active strategic partners of the United States in countering the " Soviet threat."

In the 50s. The United States in its policy in the Near and Middle East gave priority to the task of creating a military bloc directed against the USSR and the national liberation movement in the region.

FROM THE BAGHDAD ESR PACT

Turkish leaders readily responded to the American proposal to create the proposed bloc. Negotiations between representatives of Turkey and Pakistan resulted in the signing of the Turkish-Pakistani Treaty of Friendship and cooperation for "security"in Karachi on April 2, 19541. In January 1955, the Prime Ministers of Turkey and Iran issued a statement in Baghdad on the establishment of a mutual defense pact. Thus, the Baghdad Pact was created, which was formalized on November 21-22, 1955 in the capital of Iraq. It includes Turkey, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq and the United Kingdom. The United States, not being a formal member of the bloc (had observer status), actively participated in its activities.

After Iraq's withdrawal from the Baghdad Pact in 1959, this organization-

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The organization was renamed the Central Treaty Organization, and the United States entered into bilateral "cooperation agreements" with Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey that same year against direct or indirect "communist aggression"2. In 1979, after the Islamic Revolution in Iran, SENTO actually collapsed.

Special attention should be paid to the cooperation of Turkey, Pakistan and Iran within the framework of the Regional Cooperation for Development Organization (RSD). It was founded in 1964. Its creation was predetermined by a number of reasons. The participants of the RSR-Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, who are closely connected with the West, were disappointed with the approach of Western states to important problems for them: for Ankara it was the Cyprus situation, for Tehran - a possible reduction in Western economic assistance, for Islamabad - the problem of alleged American military support for India and Washington's unwillingness to actively support it on Kashmir. As the English Times commented, the RSR's goal was "to give the United States an active shake-up." 3

In other words, through regional cooperation, Turkey, Pakistan and Iran sought to demonstrate their desire to be more independent in solving regional problems and, relying on mutual assistance, to strengthen their positions in the region.

A leading figure in the creation of the RSF was Pakistani President Ayyubhan, who described SENTO as an "anachronism"4. He noted that the RSF will be "a turning point in the history of Islam", and the goal of the union is not only to bring Iran, Pakistan and Turkey closer together, but also "to clear the way for more fruitful cooperation of all Muslim countries - from Morocco to Indonesia", to achieve economic and social progress.5

A Turkish columnist gave the following assessment of his country's approach to the RSF: "In a changing world, the United States and Britain have lost their former interest in SENTO. Their help to the organization is negligible. In such circumstances, it is natural for the three regional countries to take the position of "neither East nor West". We can accept material and technical assistance from both the East and the West, as well as from China, if it wants to help. " 6

On August 5, 1979, after the Iranian Revolution took place, the Iranian Foreign Minister, Ibrahim Yazadi, announced that the RSR was ceasing its activities7. This attitude was explained by the new Iranian leaders ' opposition to all the initiatives in which the Shah participated. In their opinion, "the Shah was not a friend of the Iranian people, and everything connected with him should be destroyed." As a result, at a meeting of the Deputy Minister of Economy of Iran with the Ambassadors of Turkey and Pakistan and the Secretary General of the RSR in Tehran in July 1982, it was decided to dissolve this organization.8

The political interests of the RSF member countries were mainly focused not so much on the problems of intraregional cooperation, but on the extra-regional directions of their foreign policy. Pakistan was mainly preoccupied with its relations with India, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan; Turkey's main task was to join the Eurasian Economic Union and resolve the Cyprus problem in its favor; for Iran, the main circle of interests was "closed" in the Persian Gulf.

Thus, multi-vector trends in the political relations of the participating countries seriously hindered the implementation of the planned cooperation programs.

In the first half of the 1980s, three members of the RSFSR experienced quite serious changes in their domestic and foreign political development. In Turkey and Pakistan, the process of transition from the military dictatorship established as a result of coups (in 1980 in Turkey and in 1977 in Pakistan), to the gradual restoration of a bourgeois-democratic state, developed new models of economic development based on the private sector, with a focus on exports.

Iran has gone from trying to export the Islamic Revolution to neighboring countries to realizing the reality of its own isolation in the international arena, and Iran's difficulties were compounded by the war with Iraq (1980-1988). Apparently, it was this isolation that forced Tehran to reconsider its regional ties. The Iranian leadership again raised the issue of a regional organization with neighboring countries.-

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and this time the victory was won by its supporters.

At a meeting in Tehran in January 1985, representatives of the three countries unanimously decided to resume the activities of the organization, which received a new name - the Organization for Economic Cooperation (ECO).

"UNFREEZING" A REGIONAL GROUPING

A special feature of ECO was that relations between Turkey, Iran and Pakistan developed as a whole as the sum of bilateral ties, and not on a multilateral basis. Turkish-Pakistani relations were dominated by a common set of political goals and objectives in the region. After the overthrow of the Shah's regime in Iran, Turkey and Pakistan significantly strengthened their ties with the United States and became one of the main recipients (after Egypt and Israel) of American aid in the Middle East. Both countries hold the same positions on the issue of the Middle East settlement, demanding the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories. They showed their willingness to act as mediators in the Iran-Iraq war, expanded relations with Arab countries, and stepped up their activities within the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). Both Countries also have very close strategic ties with the countries of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC)* And Egypt.

After the visit of Pakistani President Zia ul-Haq to Turkey in 1987, military cooperation expanded. Turkish and Pakistani forces conducted joint exercises in the Mediterranean in 1987. Turkish firms sold Pakistan the latest electronic equipment that could be used in the development of the nuclear program9.

In early 1988, Turkey and Pakistan signed an agreement on cooperation in the military industry. Turkey has started exporting anti-aircraft shells to Pakistan and assisted in the modernization of Pakistan's 10 tanks.

Thus, the similarity in the development of the domestic political situation and foreign policy orientation allowed Zia ul-Haq to state that "Turkey and Pakistan are countries that develop in unison and have a sense of mutual understanding and cooperation towards each other"11.

The most difficult moments in the development of Turkish-Pakistani relations were the divergence of positions on Afghanistan, as well as the low level of economic ties.

Although Ankara condemned the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Turkey, despite President Zia ul-Haq's attempt to pressure it, refused to join the intervention in Afghanistan. At the 1980 OIC meeting in Islamabad, Turkish representatives stressed that their country would not take any measures that could affect the Afghan events and would be directed against the USSR.12

The development of economic ties was very slow. At a meeting of the Pakistan-Turkey commission in Islamabad in November 1988, a protocol was signed providing for the expansion of cooperation between the two countries in the fields of industry, technology, telecommunications, petrochemicals, agriculture, healthcare, civil aviation, technical and scientific cooperation. Both sides decided to further develop contacts in the field of education and culture 13.

But after Pakistan recognized the Taliban government in Afghanistan, Turkish-Pakistani relations stagnated until the late 1990s.

LOOKING UP TO ATATURK

The situation began to change after President Pervez Musharraf came to power in Pakistan. The son of a diplomat, Musharraf spent his childhood in Turkey, where he received a secondary education. When he came to power in 1999, he issued a statement to the international media in Urdu, English and Turkish. Musharraf has repeatedly expressed his admiration for the founder of the Republic of Turkey, K. Ataturk, whom he sees as a model statesman, highly appreciates Turkish secularism and a well - organized military system, emphasizing that "Turkey is an example of a modern state structure"14.

Since 1999, Turkish-Pakistani relations have been steadily developing, as evidenced by numerous high-level visits. Musharraf visited Turkey in November 1999. Turkish President N. Sezer paid an official visit to Pakistan in October 2001, Foreign Minister A. Gul visited Pakistan in May 2003, and Prime Minister R. T. Erdogan visited Islamabad in June 2003. The fact that Erdogan was accompanied by 110 businessmen demonstrated Turkey's determination to increase the level of trade and economic cooperation with Pakistan. Both sides signed memoranda on road transport, the fight against drug trafficking, and environmental protection, and it was decided to establish the Higher Military Dialogue organization, whose activities are designed to promote further cooperation in defense.15

President Musharraf's visit to Turkey in January 2004 marked an important milestone in strengthening relations in various fields. Musharraf addressed the deputies from the rostrum of the Turkish parliament, and this was the first such address by a Pakistani leader.

During Musharraf's visit, several documents were signed on cooperation in the field of healthcare and banking, as well as in the fight against international terrorism and organized crime.

The signing of the agreement on combating terrorism opened a new page in Turkish-Pakistani relations. Moreover, the agreement referred to "extremist Muslims"16. This showed that the leaders of the two

* The GCC unites six oil-producing monarchies in the region - Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Oman and Saudi Arabia.

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Some countries view extremist Islamic groups as a threat to their security.

Against the background of successful development of political relations, the level of trade and economic cooperation is not so high. One of the reasons for the relatively low level of mutual trade is the existence of parallel economies, i.e. both countries produce similar products-cotton, rice, leather, and textiles.

Meanwhile, there is considerable potential in the field of trade and joint ventures, which was emphasized by the Consul General of Turkey in Karachi E. Mutaf during the visit of Turkish President A. Gul to Pakistan in December 2007. Speaking at the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry, he said that "Turkish businesses are interested in establishing joint ventures in such areas as industry, shipping, construction, textiles and clothing, chemicals, ceramics, jewelry and a number of others." The Turkish Consul noted that the volume of Turkish-Pakistani trade increased from 130 million euros in 2001 to 600 million euros in 2006, and the goal is to bring this volume to 1 billion euros. euro in the near future 17.

THE AFGHAN FACTOR

After the events of September 11, 2001, the United States placed special emphasis on cooperation with Turkey and Pakistan on security and counterterrorism issues. Washington sees Turkey and Pakistan as important partners in resolving the Afghan problem and countering the "new Taliban"movement. The Pakistani military cooperates with the international coalition forces in Afghanistan, providing them with intelligence on the situation on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The Turkish military is directly involved in the operations of the NATO Military Command.

In April 2007, an unusual high-level meeting was held in Ankara. Responding to the "make peace between us" call from Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Pakistani President P. Musharraf, Turkey brought together two leaders who had been "at odds"for several years. Here they signed the "Ankara Declaration" on Cooperation in the Fight against Terrorism 18.

Another area where there was a difference in approaches between the two countries is relations with Israel. It is known that Pakistan has not recognized the State of Israel, but at the same time, Turkey's growing ties with Israel have never caused concern to the Pakistani side. In this regard, the landmark meeting in Istanbul between Israeli Foreign Minister Salom Salom and his Pakistani counterpart Kasuri on September 1, 2005, is noteworthy. It is noteworthy that this meeting was mediated by Turkey after Israel withdrew from the Gaza Strip.

Turkey traditionally supports the official position of Pakistan on the Kashmir issue, according to which only a free and fair plebiscite in Kashmir under the supervision of the UN can contribute to the establishment of peace here. In turn, it can be argued that Pakistan fully supports Turkey's position on the Cyprus issue. Indeed, Pakistan was the only country in the world that supported Turkey in its military intervention in Northern Cyprus in 1974,19 During Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's talks in Pakistan (2003), his Pakistani counterpart, Sh. Aziz, expressed full support for the Turkish side on Cyprus and stated: "Whatever steps Turkey may take in the future, we will continue to support the Turkish side. regarding Northern Cyprus, we say that we support it without any reservations, we are 100% on the Turkish side. " 20

Pakistan supports Turkey in the fight against the Kurdistan Workers ' Party, which is recognized as a terrorist organization in Europe and the United States, and also fully supports the Turkish position against the formation of an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq.

Islamabad and Ankara are actively cooperating within the OIC, with Pakistan supporting Turkey in electing Turkish citizen Ihsanoglu as OIC Secretary General.21

Both Pakistan and Turkey are working to bridge the divide between the Muslim world and the West. In February 2002, Turkey hosted the EU - OIC Joint Conference (Istanbul), which focused on the dialogue of civilizations. In this context, President Musharraf, at the 10th OIC Summit in Malaysia (October 2003), put forward the concept of "enlightened settlement", which was aimed at bridging the civilizational gap between Islam and the West."22 This concept, on the one hand, calls on the Islamic world to abandon extremism and follow the path of socio-economic development. On the other hand, Musharraf calls on the West, the United States and the United Nations to move towards the socio-economic emancipation of the Islamic world by resolving political conflicts affecting Muslims.23

This is generally the current state of Turkish-Pakistani relations.

1 Olaylarla Toerk de" Political! (1919 - 1973). Ankara, 1977, s. 38.

Lengyel G. 2 The Changing Middle East. N.Y., 1960, p. 279.

3 The Times, 11.07.1969.

Ayub Khan. 4 Friends, not Masters. A Political Autobiography. Karachi, 1967, p. 157.

5 Pakistan Horizon, 1967, vol. 20, p. 17.

6 Cit. by: The Times, 06.07.1964.

7 Milliyet, 07.07.1979.

8 Pakistan and Gulf Economist. Karachi. 16 - 22.06.1984, p. 22.

9 Cumhuriyet, 16.11.1987.

10 Newspot. Ankara, 08.01.1988.

11 Pakistan and Gulf Economist... 05 - 11.11.1988, p. 7.

12 Milliyet, 29.01.1980.

13 Pakistan and Gulf Economist...

14 A Turkish Path for Pakistan // www.csmonitor.com, 01.02.2002.

15 Milliyet, 20.06.2003.

16 Pakistan, Turkey Sign Anti-Terror Cooperation Deal // The News, 20.01.2004.

17 Cumhuriyet, 09.12.2007.

18 www.tepav.org.tr.eng

Shahid Amin. 19 Pakistan's Foreign Policy, Oxford University Press, L., 2000, p. 129 - 130.

20 The Dawn, 19.06.2003.

21 The News, 24.10.2007.

22 http://www.oic-oci.org

23 Musharraf Optimistic about Peace Prospects: Clash of Civilization Theory Rejected // The News, 22.01.2004.

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