The Golden Horde is still a little-studied phenomenon. Now, when it is no longer argued that this is a manifestation of savagery or civilization, the discussion points are focused on the "division" of the civilizational heritage. Who were the ancestors and who are the descendants of the creators of the unique steppe civilization? Ancestors-Mongols or Turks? Are their descendants modern Tatars, or do we need to look for them in many modern nations, where they are an insignificant part? The emergence of new evidence-narrative sources or archaeological excavations that can radically clarify the situation-is hardly expected, so non-traditional approaches are needed, involving the latest discoveries in the field of climatology, psychology, ethnology and using fundamental patterns of demographic dynamics, migrations, epidemics, soil formation, and urban agglomerations. To study not the state according to limited parameters, when everything else is nothing more than a background, but all the factors-components of processes - natural, demographic, psychological, social, economic, mental - acting together as equal actors of evolutionary development. In other words, to carry out a socio-natural analysis, the subject of which is the trinity of nature, economy, and mentality.

TURKS OR MONGOLS?

The Golden Horde period occupies a special place in the history of the evolution of the Tatar people. Although none of the scientists denies that the era of the Golden Horde is an important milestone in the history of the Tatars, there are different opinions about the significance of the epoch in the history of the ethnic group. There are three theories of the origin of the Tatars - Bulgar-Tatar, Mongol-Tatar, and Turko-Tatar [see: Tatars, 2000, part 2, Chapter 4]. Proponents of the Bulgar-Tatar theory emphasize the special role of the Bulgars in the cultural genesis of modern Tatars, the Mongol-Tatar theory - Mongols, and the Turkic-Tatar theory-common Turkic roots. At the same time, none of the scholars denies either the role of the Bulgars or the common Turkic roots, but there is no agreement on the Mongol influence, although everyone admits that it took place.

The Turkic-Tatar theory suggests that in the ancient Turkic period, not only the basis of material culture was formed: family organization, social structure. The foundations of spiritual culture were also formed: ethics, fine arts, folklore, state tradition (mythologems, ideas of the sacredness of power), language, both oral and written. The Bulgarian-Tatar tradition is based both on the high degree of self-organization of the Bulgarian society in the early Middle Ages, the perception by the people of one of the world religions - Islam, and on the emergence of the literary oral and written Turkic language among the Bulgars. Mongol-Tatar emphasizes that in the era of the Golden Horde, a new state was created and on the basis of it - a synthetic culture and ethno-political consciousness.

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No one objects to the main arguments of each of these theories. At the same time, the question of which of the ancient and medieval Turks were the direct ancestors of the modern Tatars is still unresolved among scientists. The scientific controversy, which is extremely acute, with an exchange of almost unacceptable barbs, is not over. The recently published book "Tatars" does not give an answer to this question either, in the preface of which it is rightly stated: "This monograph is essentially a collection of information about the Tatar people" [Tatary, 2000, p. 5]. This "code" draws attention to the fact that "Tatars went through a long path of ethnic formation", that their "ethnogenesis is still a subject of discussion", that in Russia and in Western Europe for a long time almost all Turkic (sometimes non-Turkic) peoples were called Tatars, that " the Tatar ethnic community"it has a complex internal structure that has not yet been fully analyzed, and a comprehensive ethnographic study that allows us to judge the ethno-cultural differentiation of this community has not yet been completed.

Unlike many other peoples, anthropology cannot help to elucidate ethnogenesis, since "the main conclusion of anthropological surveys of the late XIX-early XX centuries was the statement about the" extreme " racial mixing of the Tatars." Anthropologically, Tatars from the early Middle Ages belong to both clearly defined Caucasians and Mongoloids. There are also various transitional types. At the same time, even the Mongol conquest of Volga Bulgaria and its entry into the Golden Horde did not radically change the physical appearance of the ancestors of the modern Kazan Tatars.

Neither can the confessional affiliation help: initially, the Turks are not Muslims, not all Tatars are Muslims, so the Kryashchens are Christians.

Nor can linguistic differences help: they are too small for the Turks. Both in ancient times and now in oral communication, the Turks easily understood and understand each other.

It follows that the only way to distinguish Tatars from a large family of Turks is their self - name-an ethnonym. In the era of the Golden Horde, the Turks - the inhabitants of the Golden Horde-were called Tatars by foreigners, but they did not call themselves so, using the place of residence or traditional tribal and tribal ethnonyms. Only in the era of the decline of the Golden Horde did relatively small groups of people who called themselves Tatars appear. They are direct descendants of prominent Mongol families, first of all Genghis Khan's own family, as well as Seyids-descendants of the Prophet Muhammad.

Only after the death of the Golden Horde, suddenly and as if out of nothing in the entire wide space of the former great empire, the Tatars appear - Meshchersk, Volga-Ural, Siberian, Crimean. And not only do other nations call them that, but they also call themselves that. Finally, this is happening in another empire, the Russian One. Today, D. M. Iskhakov and I. L. Izmailov state, "the ethnonym" Tatars " is a national one and is used by all groups forming the Tatar ethnic community - the Volga region and the Urals, Western Siberia, Crimea, Budjak (Romania) and historical Lithuania. In the past, all ethnoterritorial groups of Tatars also had local ethnonyms... "[Iskhakov and Izmailov, 2000, p. 8].

D. M. Iskhakov and I. L. Izmailov believe that a new ethno-political community was formed in the Golden Horde on the basis of the military-feudal nobility. This commonality took root in the 14th and 15th centuries, having a multi-valued semantics, which can be reduced to several semantic blocks [Iskhakov and Izmailov, 2000, p. 106-110; Izmailov, 1993, p. 17-32]. From these "several" they distinguish two blocks, which are ultimately reduced to one.

Block one: ethnic-forming factor - the state. One of the names of the country serves as a definition of it and the people living here - the state of Tatars. In this sense,

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It is used by Arabic authors ("the state of the Tatars", "the kingdom of the Northern Tatars"), Russian chronicles and European travelers.

Block two: the immediate ethno-forming social stratum - the military-feudal nobility, which serves the state with "pen and sword". In this social stratum, a special class knightly culture is developed, which has a supra-ethnic character, material and spiritual symbols of supra-tribal imperial unity, state ideology are created using both traditional (Turkic and Mongolian) mythologies and Islamic ideas and symbols. This extraterritorial social stratum had the right to move from one khanate to another, had the self-name "Tatars", while the" black "population was" tied "to a specific state-organized" land "through belonging to the" yurts " (principalities) that it contained and had other self-names. Further, without concrete evidence, the researchers claim: "It can be said that, in essence, it was not the Kipchaks who assimilated the Mongols, but on the contrary, the Mongols managed to dissolve the Kipchaks, Bulgars, Magyars and other peoples in their state and introduce a new ethno-political consciousness into their environment" [Iskhakov and Izmailov, 2000, p.97].

But did the small Mongolian elite manage to "dissolve" the entire mass of the Turkic people and introduce ethno-political consciousness into this mass (and now it is not too politicized everywhere)? How was the "implementation" process going? There is no written evidence of this. D. M. Iskhakov and I. L. Izmailov cite their evidence. They write that in the Golden Horde, the official language was not Turkic, but Mongolian. Office work and diplomatic correspondence were conducted in Mongolian, and with writing in the Uyghur alphabet. The Mongolian nobility not only spoke "according to protocol", but also used it in everyday life. Legends and poems were written in Mongolian.

This was the case among the narrow stratum of the aristocracy. And the people? After all, the multinational population of the Golden Horde spoke many languages, but not Mongolian. However, it should be noted that if the population does not speak the language of the elite, then this does not limit the widespread dissemination of the principles of elite life to all. If the population of the Golden Horde did not speak the Mongolian language, then this does not mean that it is impossible to dissolve the Turks into the Mongols. In France, in the first half of the 17th century, only 10% of the population spoke French. It took two centuries for the French language to become a national language. However, in France, the language of the elite eventually became the national language, and in the Golden Horde, the Mongolian language did not.

Consequently, if the dissolution of the Turks - Kipchaks, Bulgars, Magyars - and other peoples in the Mongolian environment took place, then the Mongolian language had nothing to do with this process. The official apparatus of the state issued its own directives-labels, which practically had to carry out the real "implementation" of ethnopolitical self-consciousness, which D. M. Iskhakov and I. L. Izmailov write about. Few documents of the chancellery have been preserved, and those that are known contain specific orders on the appointment of governors. And a few others, for example, about religious tolerance. From what we know, it is impossible to conclude that government directives could shape the self-consciousness of the population. However, if two of the four most important ethnic parameters named by D. M. Iskhakov and I. L. Izmailov (language and writing) are missing, this does not mean that the claims of scientists should be questioned. If there is no direct evidence, then there may be indirect evidence. D. M. Iskhakov and I. L. Izmailov write that the community of people may not only be recognized and expressed in an ethnonym, but may not be recognized. Because how exactly is self-awarenessit is not understood, the authors do not decipher, their statements must be given verbatim: "Based on the principle of opposition adopted in a number of ethnological works, on the one hand, the ethnoforming factors that caused the self-determination of the population."

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the appearance of an ethnic group (common territory, statehood, language, writing system, etc.), on the other hand - the actual ethnic characteristics, these latter can, in turn, be divided into two levels. The first one relates mainly to the sphere of culture in its broadest sense, and the second one-derived from it-is manifested in the awareness of the ethnic community itself of its differences from other collectives and ethnic groups [Kryukov, 1976, p. 42-63; Kryukov, et al.1993, p. 376]. It is this idea of the structure of the properties of an ethnic group that leads us to believe that, contrary to the opinion of a number of historians and archaeologists [Khalikov, 1978; 1989; Kazakov, 1992; 1999(1); 1999(2); Khuzin, 1995], it is not the emergence of certain cultural features of an ethnic community that allows us to speak about the completion of the process of forming an ethnic group and the appearance of a clear self-awareness of one's community, difference from others, which, of course, is based on all objective signs of the first level, but very often is not recognized" [Iskhakov, Izmailov, 2000, p.7].

It can be seen that scientists intuitively approach the phenomenon of the social [see: Sikevich, Krokinskaya, Possel, 2005] or the social unconscious [see issues of the series "Socio-natural history" [XXIV, XXV, XXVI] - a new concept with a high explanatory capacity.

It is not known when and how certain human communities emerged in the Golden Horde, a huge state that united different tribes and peoples, in which a resident of a particular area, a representative of a particular kind, a tribe, and not necessarily a Turkic one, began to unconsciously feel like an integral part of the social organism. It is known that later this sense of community was crystallized in the ethnonym. In other words, a person of this community first unconsciously became, and only then began to realize himself as none other than a Tatar.

The Ufa historian and ethnographer R. I. Yakupov came up with a number of conclusions (Yakupov, 2001: 241-250), some of which can be applied to the history of the Golden Horde. Thus, he believes that the predecessor of an ethnonym (self-designation of an ethnos) is a socionym, i.e. the consolidation of society in a multiethnic political system (the formation of social isolation, the emergence of a sense of complementarity between members of a social community - friendly mutual understanding, the emergence of features of language, material and spiritual culture associated with the specifics of nature and economy).

According to R. I. Yakupov, the main conditions for the formation of an ethnic group are as follows:: 1) a single territory, 2) compact settlement, 3) a quantitative critical mass of the population, 4) completeness of the internal social structure (the presence of its own management structures that form an "ideology", social stratification that encourages social mobility and movement towards economic stability or abundance), 5) customary law norms (which contribute to the development of special features of mentality), 6) allocation of community management structures.

Among the factors influencing the formation of an ethnic group, Yakupov named three: confessional affiliation, finding a new homeland, and the form of potestarity.

With the formation of the Jochi Ulus, all the peoples inhabiting it had a single territory. In a number of regions, even before the creation of the Ulus, there was a compact population, but not in the steppe zone, where the territory was huge and the population was sparse. If we follow the logic of R. I. Yakupov, then first of all we need to study the evolution of society, the quantitative and qualitative ratio of ethnic groups in a multiethnic state. After determining the initial population size and the dynamics of its growth, the most important thing is to identify the moment when the quantitative critical mass is reached, at which a single ethnic group is formed from different tribes and nationalities.

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To study the formation of the modern Tatar ethnic group, two circumstances are of crucial importance: the initial ethnic groups and demographic generations - the time units of the ethnos ' evolution.

Before the Mongol invasion, there were already Turks in Eastern Europe: the Volga Bulgars, as well as the Khazars, who partially converted to Judaism. Regarding the Volga Bulgars, there is no doubt that they are all direct ancestors of the modern Tatars, which we cannot say about the Mongols and Turks who came to Eastern Europe in the middle of the 13th century.

Since we are not talking about political history, but about the people as a social organism, we must talk about the development of this social organism and, consequently, about the time units of this social process. Accepted time units in political history are astronomical: days, years, and centuries. An ethnic group, as a biological and at the same time social population, has other time dimensions, the main one of which is the change of generations, i.e. the difference between the time of birth of a mother and her first daughter, a father and his first-born son. Now it is 20 years old. In the Middle Ages, this interval was shorter: 17-18 years. So, if in the history of peoples the period necessary for the emergence of a new generation is the initial unit of time for the life of an ethnic group, then what can be the next one? Since ancient times, every Turk should remember seven generations of their ancestors, an average of 119-126 years. Let's take this period as the next, larger unit of time in the life of the Turkic and, possibly, other ethnic groups as well1.

When Batu Khan began his campaign against Europe in 1236, his warriors were mostly aged 18 and older. The first generation completed its active social life in 17-18 years, i.e. in 1255/1256, the second - in 1273, the third - in 1290/1291, the fourth - in 1308, the fifth - in 1325/1326, the sixth - in 1343, the seventh - in 1360/1361.

Let us immediately make a reservation that the demographic growth of the Volga Bulgars, who became settled and obeyed the laws of demographic reproduction of agricultural peoples, except for the period of replenishment of population losses after the Mongol invasion, as well as the Turks of the Asian part of the Jochi Ulus, where the steppes are dry and sparse, was extremely small (about 5% per century). On the contrary, the demographic growth of nomads in the Southern Russian steppes was large, reaching biological limits-5% (or 50% o) per year. Therefore, the dynamics of the steppe population of the Southern Russian steppes is crucial for the quantitative measurement of the people.

Studies of biologists in the second half of the 20th century allow us to determine quite accurately the upper and lower limits of the size of Batu Khan's army in 50-60 thousand people (Kulpin, 2005). It is known that the military "dowry" of Batu Khan consisted of only four thousand Nukers of Mongolian origin. But 13 Genghisids took part in the campaign against Volga Bulgaria and Russia. All of them had a certain number of Mongol warriors under their command. We do not know how many Mongols were in Batu Khan's army, and how many Kipchaks. We only know that the majority of the population consisted of Kipchak Turks.

After the capture of Kiev, disappointed by the poverty of the main city of Russia, the Genghisids who accompanied Batu with their soldiers returned home to their native Mongolian steppes. It is also known that most of the Nukers of Batu Khan after the campaign in the Western part of the country were killed.

1 If we take as an average the time interval of seven generations for 122.5 years, then the first "hour" of the life of the peoples of Eastern Europe after the Mongol invasion ends with the eve of the Civil War in the Golden Horde-the Great Jam (1360), the second-with the stand on the Ugra (1480), i.e. the end of the Tatar-Mongol yoke in Russia and the creation of the Moscow state, the third - the beginning of the Russian troubles (1605), the fourth-the completion of Peter's reforms (1727) and the creation of the Russian Empire, the fifth-the threshold of the Crimean War and the Great Reforms (1850), the sixth (taking into account the time interval for changing demographic generations in 20 years or for changing seven generations - 140 years) - the crisis of the Soviet era (1990). Of course, it would be rash to say that the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union continued to live according to the time rhythm "laid down" by the Mongol invasion, but it seems that they lived in unison with the cycles of seven generations.

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They also returned to their families in the Mongolian steppes. The army of the Jochi Ulus consisted of "Russian, Circassian, Kipchak, Majar and other troops" who joined the original core of the conquerors [Rashid ad-Din, p. 275]. It is clear that all of them returned to their homes after the campaigns. Who remained in the steppes of the Jochi Ulus? As before, the Kipchaks, and now the Mongols. Although we do not know how many Kipchaks did not take part in the campaign, how many returned to their native steppes of present-day Kazakhstan, how many remained in the new lands where their closest relatives, the Polovtsians, who were defeated and thrown back from their native land, lived until recently. In this case, something else is important for us: their native land was located in the Jochi Ulus.

According to Mongolian traditions, the supreme owner of all land was the great Khan, who distributed (redistributed) the land, or rather, established nomadic routes for the subject nomadic peoples. After going to Western Europe, anyone who did not have enough pastures in the Asian part of the Ulus could get them in the European part. The fate of the descendants of the Turkic conquerors became part of the overall fate of the Ulus population, and their demographic growth can be considered as a whole as the growth of the Ulus population. Therefore, when we "include" in the demographic calculation only the number of nomads who participated in the campaign to Europe, we get a certain margin of safety: in fact, there were more Turks.

The possibility of expanded economic reproduction for the Turks who came to the steppes of Eastern Europe was based not only on the use of the steppe that was deserted after the Polovtsians, but also on large, if not uniquely huge, opportunities for expanding pastures. In the era of the Golden Horde, seasonal nomads had a meridional direction. They continuously moved into the forests, to the north of the Great Climatic Axis of Eurasia-the border of forest and steppe. To the north of the Axis - more dense chernozems, more stable and humid climate, more fodder for livestock than to the south of the Axis. Five times as many livestock can be fed in forest-steppes and forests that are being converted into forest-steppes on the same size of the territory as in the steppes2.

The more animal feed-phytomass-and the less it is subject to reduction due to drought, the more nomads can have livestock, the number of which is limited only by the amount of plant food. And the increase in the number of livestock (annual offspring) is an order of magnitude (ten times) higher than the demographic growth of people. The more cattle a nomad has, the larger his family can be.

In the Middle Ages, in all peoples with a lack of food, first of all it was given to their sons-protectors and descendants of the family. But the more affluent a family was, the more it allowed itself to give birth and fully feed its daughters. And daughters are the guarantors of expanded reproduction of the genus and the preservation of the gene pool.

It is known that during social and psychological tension, mostly males are born. During periods of quiet stable life - female. After the conquest, both Mongols and Turks were expected to have mostly girls. There is also one more pattern that we will need in further discussions. As the dependency on problems decreases.-

2 As Arkady Tishkov writes, in the steppes, " the food value, availability and quantity of forage grasses change during the season. If the weight gain of cattle obtained on pasture in May is taken as 100%, then in June it will be 88%, in July - 78, in August - 65, in September - 58, and in October - only 35%" [Mordkovich et al., 1997, p. 191]. However, if the cattle were grazed north of the Axis, in the European forest-steppe, where the feed value, availability and quantity of forage grasses are preserved until autumn, then the Polovtsians would not have lost weight gain. "In meadow steppes, there is no break in the vegetation of plants and animals caused by drought, so the ecosystem functions longer than in drier steppes. Due to this, the total mass of vegetation reaches 3.2 - 4.2 t/ha, and animals-0.4 t / ha, which is 5 times more than in other types of steppes " [Mordkovich et al., 1997, p. 144, highlighted by me-E. K.]. In other words, for more than 100 years in the European part of the Jochi Ulus, natural conditions did not limit the growth of livestock, and therefore population growth.

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dependence on others decreases, the desire for independence grows 3, and the masculinity in families and the people as a whole is strengthened 4. This pattern is revealed by sociological studies of our time, but it is natural to assume that it has a fundamental basis in the psychology of people, regardless of time and ethnicity. Being poor and independent is extremely difficult or impossible. It is easy to be a man, i.e. responsible for yourself and for others, when you are strong and rich, difficult or impossible when you are weak and poor.

Nomads of the dry Central Asian steppes with their limited amount of phytomass, having come to the grass-rich steppes of south-eastern Europe, were able to become even stronger and richer, to move from simple to expanded demographic reproduction. As M. G. Safargaliev (1996, p. 343) wrote, referring to the Plano Karpini, the Mongol and Turkic tribes that arrived together with Batu in Desht-i-Kipchak owned a large number of livestock. Consequently, they had great opportunities for expanded demographic reproduction. This was favored by a combination of traditions and circumstances. According to tradition, the defeated nomadic tribes could physically destroy men, but not women. Women of the defeated nomads, if they had something to feed, were taken as wives or maids, children-as workers. In peacetime, children and women tended their flocks. Only in the turbulent years were the herds guarded by men. The Mongol army established strict order everywhere. She drove out the Polovtsians from their native pastures, but not the Polovtsians and their children. If polovchanki were taken captive, they became wives (second, third) or maids engaged in farming, milking cows and mares, making cottage cheese - the main protein food of nomads. Conquering heads of families could have several wives. From the materials of the 19th century relating to the Kyrgyz, whose pastures were more lean than in the south of Eastern Europe, and families, as a rule, with one mother, it is known that in the stagnation regime, the nomadic family consisted of 4 to 5 people, and with growth opportunities it reached 12 [Tortika, Mikheev, Kortiev, 1994, p. 55].

Now-an assessment of the possible growth and lower limit of the number of nomads of the Golden Horde. There are formulas that can be used to calculate the ratio of feed for livestock (phytomass), the number of livestock and the number of people. According to these formulas, it is quite possible to accurately determine the maximum number of nomads who can comfortably exist in a particular territory.5 You can do something else: refer to the use cases that follow the same laws and make it possible to-

3 Specific socio-psychological studies in modern society have revealed a clear pattern: the relationship between belonging to a social class and the preference for conformity or independence. Parents belonging to the well-to-do stratum of society preferred independence, and parents who were less well-off preferred subordination [Triandis, Malpass, and Davidson, 1986, p. 307].

4 Research by psychologists suggests that poor nutrition leads to physiological disorders (for example, endocrine disorders). This leads to the fact that boys have a reduced sense of responsibility, and the body takes on the characteristics of a female figure, and the child's level of dependence on others is fixed [Triandis, Malpass, and Davidson, 1986, pp. 307, 309].

5 Authors of the methodology (A. A. Tortika, V. K. Mikheev, R. I. Kortiev) It is argued that " nomadic societies are organically included in the geobiocenosis of the steppes and, as a rule, do not disturb the balance. There can be as many nomads as can feed from the existing herd, and the size of the herd is limited by the productivity and size of pastures. An increase above the norm of a species that consumes another species in the ecosystem leads to starvation of the consumer species before the consumed species is finally destroyed, after which the balance is restored. Thus, an excessive increase in herds (in the absence of the possibility of expanding the territory) leads to their depletion: cattle die of starvation, and after them the nomadic society dies, disintegrates or is enslaved. Therefore, for thousands of years, nomads accumulated and refined their ecological knowledge, which was embodied in a clearly defined economic cycle, the system of pastures and migrations, the size of the family and herd, diet, etc. The size of the nomadic population could not go beyond the limits of the ecosystem without catastrophic consequences. Determining these opportunities is, in fact, determining the size of nomadic society" [Tortika, Mikheev, Kortiev 1994, p. 52].

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get the same results without calculations. Based on such precedences6, namely the tripling of the population over 40 years, we can estimate the demographic growth of nomads of the Southern Russian steppes in the XIII-XIV centuries.

If we take the number of conquerors who came to Eastern Europe at 300 thousand people (with 60 thousand adult males and the initial five members of the nuclear family of simple demographic reproduction) and the rate of demographic growth according to the well-known precedent, we get the following dynamics of population growth of nomads in Eastern Europe. By 1282, the number of conquerors should be at least 900 thousand people, by 1322 (the heyday of the Golden Horde) - 2700 thousand, by 1362-8100 thousand people.

The latter figure seems improbable, but not at all because such growth is impossible in principle.7 Theoretically, it could have been possible, but the real growth was limited by the plague, which came to the steppes of Desht-i-Kipchak for the first time in 1346. From the plague in the Middle Ages died from a third to half of the inhabitants of countries affected by the epidemic. We do not know how many people died in the Golden Horde in 1346-1347. But there is no doubt that the dynamics of demographic growth-tripling in 40 years-was interrupted by the plague, the population was reduced to almost three million people. Consequently, the minimum critical mass of the ethnic group, which allows for a civilizational breakthrough, could either be preserved or quickly restored.

People's ideas about the world and about themselves, their interests do not remain constant. They change from generation to generation, and the ability to solve life's problems depends not only on the willingness of people to solve them, but also on the number of peoples, on the rate of demographic growth. Under favorable conditions, the population grows in leaps and bounds - from generation to generation. Having identified the dynamics of population growth in the steppe part of the Golden Horde along the boundaries of quantitative transitions from one state to another, we can differentiate its growth by generations. Having obtained quantitative guidelines, we can proceed to consider the processes and events recorded in historical documents. By comparing these processes and events with generations and their demographic capabilities, we can begin a qualitative analysis. We will limit the first stage of the analysis to seven generations: from the first, who carried out the conquest of Eastern Europe, to the seventh, inclusive, i.e. to the civil war, which in Russian chronicles received the name "Great Jam".

6 One of these cases was investigated jointly by biologist Igor Ivanov and historian Igor Vasiliev. In 1801-1803, a small Kazakh (Bukeev) horde of 50 thousand people with 200 thousand heads of cattle settled on the then empty Ryn-Peskov lands between the Volga and Ural rivers with the permission of the tsarist government. After 20 years, they already had 5 million head of livestock (an increase of 25 times), which turned out to be excessive for the surrounding landscape and caused an ecological crisis in the interfluve of the Volga and Ural Rivers, which continues to this day. Despite the crisis and its consequence-a two - or three-fold drop in the number of livestock (to 1.5-2.6 million) - the population, starting from a stagnant demographic state, tripled in 40 years, amounting to 150 thousand people [Ivanov and Vasiliev, 1995, p. 181, 184].

Since the steppes between the Don and the Dniester allow growing more phytomass than in the interfluve of the Urals and Volga, the critical mass of livestock (and population) in the Southern Russian steppes in the XIII-XIV centuries is proportionally greater than in the Bukeev Horde at the beginning of the XIX century.

7 Recall that the natural conditions of the forest-steppe and forests allow you to feed five times more livestock than in the steppes. Consequently, the growth dynamics of nomads were limited by their ability to transform the forest into a forest-steppe and natural zonal geographical limits. Simply put, how many cattle in the literal and figurative sense could eat the forests up to the natural border, when due to natural and climatic conditions it is no longer possible to turn the forest into a forest-steppe. It is known that the steppe people reached this natural boundary. Unlike the Polovtsians, who in the XII-XIII centuries did not roam north of the conventional Kharkiv-Kiev-Kishinev line, the Golden Horde people in the 70s of the XV century almost annually roamed near the southern border of the Moscow Principality [Kirikov, 1979, p.22, 24].

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It follows from the propositions of R. I. Yakupov that the main factor influencing ethnic development is the acquisition of a new homeland. The main qualitative milestone is the achievement of complementarity between members of a social community. The main quantitative indicator is the achievement of the critical mass required for the emergence of a socionym. And the main ethnic process is ethno - cultural consolidation of the population. The first factor contributing to population consolidation is natural and geographical, i.e., the space where people live, their host and feeding landscape. The population that is developing a new geographical space should have a subconscious belief that this is their land. "Crystallization" begins in the second generation and ends in the third, when there is a sense of ownership of the earth. A sense of unity of human community arises when there is a common cause.

FIRST-GENERATION TURKS AND MONGOLS

The common aspiration of the conquerors is to improve the level and quality of life. In the long run, the conquerors want to have constant additional income, either through tribute from conquered peoples, or through the exploitation of new natural resources, or both. Therefore, both Mongols and Turks had a common interest. The Mongols were the part of the victors who dictated their will and made decisions. However, did the Mongols have the necessary critical mass to assimilate the Turks?

If the Turks, a significant part of whom later recognized themselves as Tatars, in the army of Batu Khan were at least 40 thousand people, then this means at least 40 thousand families. And since not all the Turks of the Jochi Ulus participated in the first campaign, there were more families. After the campaign to Western Europe, there were no more than 4 thousand Mongols: according to Rashid ad-din, Genghis Khan allocated only 4,000 families to the ulus of his eldest son Jochi [Tizenhausen, 1941, p. 33]. After the return of most of the Mongols to their historical homeland, it is possible that less than a thousand of them remained in the Jochi Ulus.

The quantitative ratio of Mongols to Turks depended on three factors: the number of ethnic groups remaining in the conquered lands; the possibility of demographic growth for each ethnic group; and assimilation. Regarding the first factor, it is known that most of the Mongols returned to their native steppes, but exactly how many is unknown. Demographic growth opportunities were significant for all the conquerors. It follows that the main factor was the orientation of the assimilation process. Who among the descendants of the first conquerors preferred to consider themselves a Turk, and who was a Mongol and, accordingly, was the representative of the Turkic or Mongolian culture? This can only be determined by indirect evidence. Evidence suggests, on the one hand, that the Mongols played a decisive role in the organization of the new state, and on the other hand, that the language of universal communication in the Golden Horde was Turkic.

The Jochi ulus was part of the empire created by Genghis Khan. Behind several hundred families of the Mongols of the Ulus stood the entire powerful empire. In addition, it was an elite whose demographic expansion opportunities were much greater than those of other social strata. For the Genghisids, these opportunities were almost unlimited: G. S. Gubaidullin wrote that in the 16th century in the Astrakhan Khanate, where there were especially many representatives of the "white bone" (descendants of Genghis Khan), almost every twentieth was a descendant of the Shaker of the Universe (Gaziz, 1994, p.90).

But the Turks, who came to Europe with the Mongols, also had conditions for expanded demographic reproduction.

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Although the number of Mongols apparently did not exceed 5% of the total nomadic population of the Ulus, this did not prevent the Mongols from being not only the dominant, but also the leading force of society. The question is different: did the government's internal policy contribute to the consolidation of the entire steppe population?

Common traditions, languages, and lifestyles do not always contribute to consolidation. History is full of examples of the fact that the most implacable enemies are former colleagues, relatives, tribesmen. People with different traditions, languages, and lifestyles come closer together when they have common interests, and over time they develop a common tradition, language, and lifestyle.

The most important consolidating factor is the common cause. Such an initially unifying common cause is most often a joint defense against an external enemy, but it can also be a joint arrangement of internal life.

The warriors of Batu Khan, who conquered Eastern Europe and plunged Western Europe into a state of terror, in addition to plundering, storming cities, had one common task, one common cause - the conquest of new lands. During the conquests, a new "empty" land arose due to the expulsion of the local population. However, there were also differences in the goals of nobles and ordinary warriors. M. Safargaliev's statement that "the main reason for the Mongol conquest was the desire to acquire large uninhabited areas of land, as an indispensable condition for the nomadic mode of production" (Safargaliev, 1996, p.93) can only partially be accepted. Indeed, the conquest of new lands was the goal of both ordinary Turks and the Mongol nobility. The nobility sought to have a permanent opportunity to receive tribute from the conquered agricultural peoples. Only in Northern China did the Mongol nobility consider exterminating the conquered peoples. One of the most authoritative researchers of the Golden Horde, V. L. Egorov, writes: "The first minister Yelyu-Chutsai, who was active during the lifetime of Genghis Khan and his successor Udegei, developed general imperial principles for taxing conquered lands. At the same time, he had to overcome the resistance of the conservative part of the steppe aristocracy, who called on the Kaan to completely exterminate the conquered population and use the vacant spaces for the needs of nomadic cattle breeding. With the help of digital calculations, Yelyu-Chutsai proved that it is many times more profitable to pay tribute to the conquered peoples, and not to exterminate them" (Yegorov, 1996, p. 55).

The Mongols ' interests may have been to conquer the whole of Europe in order to receive tribute from all its peoples. What would have happened to the Turks if they had stayed in Western Europe? They could become a new class of warriors and live in cities. But did they want it? Their ancestors and they themselves did not know how to live in cities, and did not want to know it. They wanted to lead a nomadic lifestyle that would have been physically impossible in Western Europe. They could risk their lives storming Western European cities and castles just to get the spoils. But after the conquest of Russia, trophies have already lost the appeal of novelty. They were thrown on the road from one city to another or immediately after the capture of the city.

Until now, historians argue why Batu Khan stopped the conquest and left Western Europe forever, reaching the Adriatic, being just a stone's throw from the Eternal City of Rome. They talk about the fatigue of the soldiers after the conquest of Russia, about the need for Batu to go to the election of the new great khan of the Mongol Empire. By the way, he did not go to the elections, and the brilliant victories in Western Europe went to his army with little blood. But the victorious army of Batu Khan, professional in combat qualities, in social terms was not a professional army at all, but a national militia. In defensive wars, this type of army is natural; in offensive wars, it is a rare phenomenon in the history of nations.

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So, the army was a national militia. Its divisions - dozens and hundreds-were built according to the tribal and tribal principle. Every dead and maimed person out of a dozen was not only a comrade-in-arms, but also a close relative, and out of a hundred-a distant relative. Such a structure meant a trusting relationship with each other, even in a strictly disciplined army, where dissent was not allowed, where for any violation there was only one penalty - the death penalty. And if this is so, it is impossible to imagine that people do not think and discuss the question: what are the sacrifices for? Victims are not just colleagues, but close and distant relatives.

It is amazing that historians have not yet asked the question: did the ordinary soldiers of the Batu army need to conquer Western Europe? The answer is known: not for their own interests, but for the interests of the Mongol nobility. In Western Europe, it was impossible for the Turks to lead a nomadic lifestyle, which meant that life itself was impossible in the nomads ' understanding. During the campaign to Western Europe for almost three years (1239-1242), Batu Khan's soldiers fought incessantly for no one knows what, and in the last two years they did not see their families at all. We must assume that the psychological fatigue (namely psychological, since the army was victorious) was huge.

It is known that Batu Khan's hiking routes began and ended in the steppes of Desht-i-Kipchak. What does this fact tell us? Families - mothers and fathers, wives and children of soldiers-were there during the campaigns. During the long trek to the West, families stayed in the east. And the Turkic mass of Batu's army naturally wanted to return to the families who could not help but accompany the soldiers on the campaign: there are no steppes in Western Europe, with the exception of a small Hungarian Pashta. Only in Eastern Europe there was a huge steppe zone, and these were the best steppes of all Eurasia. Only there was a place for nomads to live. Any leader must feel and take into account the wishes of the masses. Batu returned to Desht-i-Kipchak and no longer went on campaigns in Western Europe.

In 1242, on the shores of the Adriatic, the Mongols broke the covenant of Genghis Khan-to move West as long as there is land on which the hoof of a Mongol horse can step. Perhaps they would have conquered Western Europe if, after the capture of Kiev, Batu's closest relatives, the 12 Genghisids, who accompanied Batu, had continued their march to the West with their nukers. But Batu Khan marched west alone, with only four thousand Mongols left to him by Genghis Khan. He was at the head of a diverse army, the core of which was composed of Turks, as well as Russians and peoples of the North Caucasus. Breaking the covenant of Genghis Khan, the Mongols gave in to the desires of ordinary soldiers, limited their interests, but did not lose their initiative and directed their role as a leading force to consolidate the conquest of Eastern Europe.

Regarding Eastern Europe, the goals of all ethnic groups of the first generation of conquerors, if not coincided, then did not contradict. The Mongols gained power and with it property: the right to own the natural and human resources of the conquered peoples. The Turks got the land. At the same time, for the history of the people and the names of their tribes, it is important to know how it was obtained. The Mongol army was formed by villages-families. Ten ails - a dozen warriors. A hundred-kin-a hundred warriors. Tribe-one thousand, ten thousand ails - 10 thousand warriors (darkness). Thousands and thousands of Mongols were formed according to the tribal principle. New lands could only be distributed according to the same principle. At the head of the hundred, formed from the Turks, were the centurions - Mongols and Turks, but at the head of thousands and thousands - as a rule, Mongols. When the Mongol thousands went home, the Mongol warlords of the Turks stayed. Since thousands and darkness were named after thousands and temniks, this is where the Mongolian names of the Turkic clans of the Golden Horde come from. In other words, the Mongolian names of the Turkic clans do not reflect the Mongolization of the Turks, just as, based on the ethnonym of the Balkan Bulgarians, which was established from the Bulgar-Turks, it is impossible to say,

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that the population of not only modern but also medieval Balkan Bulgaria is Turks, not Slavs.

After the conquests, the Turks had "their own" business: settling down to live on new pastures, simply put, to live peacefully, although they were forced to pay their duties and fight when the Mongols called them to suppress the centers of resistance of the agricultural peoples who became part of the empire. During the campaigns against Russia and Western Europe, the Mongol thousands in the storming of cities and in battles, as a rule, did not take a direct part. They performed the functions of punitive barrage detachments, located behind the main army, ready to punish violators in case of non-compliance with the order or retreat, i.e. shoot with bows and chop down their own. In the campaign against Russia, the executors of the will of the Mongols were mainly Turks, in the campaign against Europe, in addition to the Turks, there were Caucasians and Russians. The army was diverse, but disciplined: if it suddenly refused to obey, then Mongol military formations from Central Asia were ready to come to the aid of the few Mongol detachments.

Never for a moment should we forget that until the creation of the Golden Horde - a state independent of the Mongol Empire - the Turks were not full owners of their land, but were a forced people. "The nomadic population initially turned out to be the most convenient, natural object of oppression and exploitation for the Golden Horde elite. Settled lands she plundered, ravaged, took away the people from there, laid heavy tribute. But it did not interfere with the management of the economic life of settled peoples. Local feudal lords remained the direct exploiters" [Fedorov-Davydov, 1994, p. 8].

Even during the conquest, which included the suppression of the first uprisings of the conquered peoples, the interests of the Mongols and Turks were not identical, while the divergence of interests between the second generation - the children of the conquerors-intensified. In the second generation, the Mongols continued to establish a state that the Turks did not need at that time.

First of all, the Mongols were interested in creating and maintaining an information and transport network. This network was at first the most necessary condition for the viability of the state. Only the rapid transmission of information could guarantee a quick reaction of the troops, the suppression of separatist actions, and in the event that the Jochi Ulus could not manage on its own - get help from the Mongol Empire. The most important thing after communications was the establishment of a fiscal system. At the same time, it was necessary to maintain a permanent military contingent capable of immediately eliminating any pockets of possible resistance of the conquered peoples. Finally, it was necessary to create and equip a permanent administrative center of the Ulus.

To govern the conquered country, the Mongols had to establish a tax system, an administrative center, and a communications system. To constantly remind the conquered peoples of their condition, the Mongols set up garrisons in the main cities of the conquered countries. To streamline the collection of tribute, they conducted several population censuses. After the census was conducted in 1257-1259, a single administrative system of the Ulus was established, a single household taxation was introduced, and yamskaya, military and other duties were established.

Lacking their own trained staff of tax collectors, the Mongols gave tax collection to Arab tax collectors, who used the tribute collection for personal enrichment. We do not know how much the collected tribute exceeded the tithe - the established amount of tax according to the basic law of the Mongols - Yase Genghis Khan. The uncertainty of the tax burden is a source of indignation at all times. The presence of the invaders also at all times caused hatred of the defeated peoples. Population censuses of Vyzy-

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remove not only hatred, but also fear. In the understanding of medieval people, the word and number had a mystical meaning. "To take a number" for medieval people meant to take power over their souls.

For ordinary Turks, conducting a population census and performing garrison duty was an unpleasant and heavy duty that separated them from their native families. It was not the Turks, who were already called Tatars in Russia, who disposed of the collected tribute, but they became objects of hatred. Here, too, the fundamental interests of the Mongols and Turks did not coincide sharply. The Mongols were interested in maintaining garrisons-guarantors of intimidating the conquered peoples, the Turks-in eliminating garrisons.

The Mongols were also faced with the need to build a new capital literally from scratch. The geographical center of the future Golden Horde was located in the steppes with their extremely rare population. After returning from a campaign in Western Europe in 1242, Batu Khan located his headquarters in Volga Bulgaria, but then moved it to the lower reaches of the Volga. There, shortly before 1254, the foundation of the first capital of the Ulus, Sarai - Batu, was laid. The Shed was built by artisans-slaves from the conquered agricultural peoples, and the Mongols forced the Turks to provide food and supervise them.

The Mongols established a system of yam inns on all the main highways in the vast empire, which was located at a distance of one day's walking distance (about 30 kilometers).8. The size of the Jochi Ulus was huge and surpassed all other ulus of the Mongol state in size. From west to east, the Jochi Ulus stretched for five thousand kilometers, from north to south - for three thousand. There were many roads, as well as inns. How many of them there were, we do not know, but we can assume that the yamskaya service extended to many, if not all, nomad families.

The system of inns was supposed to provide travelers, especially messengers 9, with shelter, food, draft power (horses and camels) and transport (carts). According to the experience of the Russian postal service in the same natural conditions, each inn should have been served by at least three families, while the nomads had one large family. Since the administration in the Mongol Empire was military in nature - dozens, hundreds, and the latter were formed on the principle of a large family (clan), the clan had to decide who and how to maintain this or that inn. This could be done either on a shift basis, or on a permanent basis, when members of the family supported relatives who performed state duty. If we take into account that in the first generation of Turks who came to Eastern Europe, there were only 50-55 thousand families, then it is clear that the service of inns was distributed among all Turkic families.

Yamskaya service for nomads was extremely heavy. Nomads can't stay in one place, they have to roam. It is difficult to say how the question of who had to stay in place and maintain the inn, who goes with the herds for tens or hundreds of kilometers from it, was resolved. Permanent residence was in irreconcilable contradiction with the economic practice of remote cattle breeding. Some Turks were forcibly attached to the ground - the first stage of the transition

8 For comparison, the establishment of regular postal routes in Russia dates back to 1707 with a distance between camps of 15 kilometers and the maintenance of 10 horses at each inn-camp. Before that, at the end of the third quarter of the 17th century, from Moscow to Tobolsk, camps of several houses, i.e. families, were installed at a distance of 55 km. Each house had to contain three horses for passing passengers (Vigilev, 1979, p. 50, 80-81).

9 There were 2,000 such messengers in the Muscovite state in the first quarter of the 17th century, when its territory was about half that of the Golden Horde [Vigilev, 1979, p. 40].

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nomads to a settled life. Subsequently, many of the inns turned into villages, and then into cities.

The Ulus nobility did not want to pay tribute to the center of the Mongol empire - Karakorum 10. After the creation of the information and transport network, the fiscal system, the army formed from representatives of all the defeated peoples, the administrative center of power, i.e., in the aggregate, the possibility of existence independently of the Mongol Empire, the elite of the Jochi Ulus began to strive for political independence. This was done by the second generation of conquerors. Archaeologists record this fact at the beginning of independent monetary coinage from 1270. "Sarai (without the epithet Novy) minted coins from the 1270s to the beginning of the XV century, and regularly, without particularly long interruptions-only in the 1310s-1340s and in the 1380s-1390s" [Fedorov-Davydov 1994, p. 23].

However, independence also had a downside. It meant that it was impossible to receive military assistance from the Mongol Empire. The few Mongol nobles remained "one-on-one" with the conquered peoples, which meant that they had to take into account the wishes of the masses and moderate their own. While winning economically, the Mongol nobility lost politically and socially. Under these conditions, it was possible for the Turks to become the leading ethnic group in the new state.

All the peoples of the Jochi Ulus were economically self-sufficient under the domination of subsistence farming. The viability of the future Golden Horde objectively depended on whether the self - sufficient regions established ties with each other, how close these ties - economic, cultural and ideological-would become, and whether the peoples inhabiting them would become bilingual, speaking both their native language and a common language for all subjects of the empire. In other words, to what extent the people inhabiting the empire will become a single social organism. In the process of consolidation, three factors were decisive: confessional, geographical, and economic.

In the Middle Ages, "friends" and "strangers" were defined primarily by religious affiliation. The Jochi Ulus inherited a wide religious tolerance from the empire of Genghis Khan. It was due to the fact that before the beginning of the conquests, the Mongols were not confessionally homogeneous. They were mostly Tengrians and Nestorian Christians. In the empire of Genghis Khan, among the Mongol Khans and their clans, shamanism and Nestorian Christianity were widespread, for example, among the Kereites and Naimans [Kychanov, 1997, p. 192]. As the Mongols conquered, the number of adherents of Islam increased. The conquered peoples-Turks, Khwarezmian Persians, Russians, and North Caucasian ethnic groups-were Tengrians, Christians, and Muslims, while some Khazar Turks were Judaists.

The state's firm political attitude towards religious tolerance helped ensure that representatives of any denomination did not feel violated. In this state, there was no division into friends and foes, either on confessional or ethnic grounds. As the most important milestones in the process of establishing and maintaining religious tolerance, we should note the formation of the Sarai Orthodox Diocese under the auspices of the Khan's authority in 1263 and the label of Mengu-Timur in 1267, which exempted Christian clergy from tributes and duties.

The transformation of the peoples of the future empire into a single social organism was hindered not only by differences in languages, culture, and economy, but also by territorial differences.-

10 " The isolation of the ulus aristocracy from the management of the settled population, agricultural and urban, was reflected in the fact that taxes were collected by tax collectors and went to Karakorum. The local nomadic aristocracy was usually satisfied with only a part of the revenues from those oases, cities and settled areas that were located on the territories of their nomads " (Fedorov-Davydov, 1994, p. 8).

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commonality: the peoples of the empire were separated spatially. To coordinate interaction, it was necessary to create a center: political, economic, and intellectual. The formation of the state in a certain enclosing landscape, clearly defined politically, should have begun with the choice of the location of such a center and its arrangement.

The geographical center of the Ulus was located in the Polovtsian steppes with their extremely sparse population. "The Polovtsian steppe was not the outskirts of the Golden Horde. These were its main districts" (Fedorov-Davydov, 1994, p. 12). To maintain power, it was desirable to place the political, cultural and economic center of the state in a place equidistant from the enclaves of dense population located on the outskirts of the state. Otherwise, the efficiency of controlling the far periphery with the current means of communication would have been extremely low. The links between these outlying regions and the external environment could be closer than between parts of the empire, which would make the Empire itself unviable. But to do this, it was necessary to develop and settle the central regions of the state economically. This problem has practically no analogues in world history. The uniqueness of the problem required non-trivial solutions.

We do not know how the location for the Ulus capital was chosen, but the fact is that the first capital - Sarai Batu-was equally remote from the main areas with dense populations both in the north and in the south. The second capital, Sarai-al-Jadid (New Sarai), was located almost exactly in the middle of the empire, if viewed from north to south: at 48 ° parallel to the north, and only slightly shifted from the middle to the west in longitude-46° east (the geographical center of the Golden Horde is 50° north).. and 51 ° E). The shift to the west was not only due to the great meridian highway of Eastern Europe - the Volga, but also" supported " demographically: the majority of the population was located in the north-western part of the state.

It is not easy to build even one city on the "sidelines" of the economic system. The first capital of the Golden Horde is Old Saray (Saray-Batu, or Saray-al-Mahrusa) it was built by highly qualified specialists who were turned into disenfranchised slaves by the conquerors.

The third foundation of the new state was the monetary and financial system. Here is what its main researcher, G. A. Fedorov - Davydov, writes about the financial system of the Golden Horde [Fedorov-Davydov, 1973, pp. 80-81]. In 1310-1311, Khan Tokta carried out a monetary reform, which resulted in a single and stable Sarai dirhem in weight and exchange rate, which became the main monetary unit of the country. not only in the Golden Horde, but also in neighboring countries. Having taken over the monetary and financial system at the end of the 13th century, the government of the Golden Horde in the first half of the 14th century took care to ensure that the ratio (ration) of silver, copper and gold in coins corresponded to market prices for these metals. This compliance, given the wide availability of dirhams, was a necessary condition for making cashless payments extremely easy on the gigantic trade routes from Europe to China and India.

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